Moscow CSTO Summit Tests Russia's Waning Grip as Armenia Pulls Back and Allies Hedge

Armenia's interest in the CSTO "has run its course"
Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan spoke on November 5, days before Putin chairs the Moscow summit.
Mark

Why does a summit Armenia isn't really attending matter?

Mimi

Because it shows the bloc's central promise failing. In 2020 no member sent troops to help Armenia, though the charter envisages aid, and Yerevan has frozen participation since February 2024.

Mark

And Pashinyan's line?

Mimi

On November 5 he said Armenia's interest in the CSTO has run its course. Armenia is also seeking EU membership.

Luke

Careful, though. Armenia's membership still technically exists, and Peskov said the future depends on discussions inside the organisation. Stripping voting rights is described by an analyst as a move being discussed, not a decision.

Mark

What are other states doing instead?

Mimi

Building other ties. Uzbek, Azerbaijani and Turkish forces trained together in late September, and five states held drills in October 2025.

Luke

Worth noting that the claim Russia is weakened, and that its weapons are old stock, comes from individual analysts, not from official data. They are interpretations.

Mark

Is Uzbekistan leaving Russia behind?

Mimi

Not cleanly. Mirziyoyev attends the Victory Parade and joins drills with Russia, but also hosted Marco Rubio in mid-October.

Luke

And Afghanistan is the one agenda item described as real, but that is one analyst's view. The 23,000 fighters figure is a Russian officials' warning, not independently verified here.

  • Armenia has been effectively frozen out of the CSTO since February 2024, and Moscow now weighs whether to strip its voting rights.
  • Pashinyan's declaration that the bloc's interest has 'run its course' has rattled a Kremlin that already admits Yerevan takes no part in operations.
  • Russia, stretched by the war in Ukraine and Western sanctions, can only respond with verbal dissatisfaction while members stay carefully silent.
  • Azerbaijan, Uzbekistan and Turkic partners are drilling and forging alternative security ties, leaving Moscow's regional leverage visibly loosening.
  • Afghanistan, with its ISKP recruitment and border pressures, is the one threat that could still pull the bloc into coordinated action.

In Moscow this week, Vladimir Putin presides over a Collective Security Treaty Organization gathering whose absent member, Armenia, has been frozen out since 2024, a quiet measure of how far a once-binding post-Soviet alliance has drifted. The old promise of mutual defence collapsed in the mountains of Nagorno-Karabakh in 2020, when no ally moved to help, and the bloc's authority has been thinning ever since under the weight of war in Ukraine. Former Soviet neighbours now look for security elsewhere, while Moscow's power, once assumed, is increasingly tested in practice. What remains unresolved is whether the region's older loyalties can still bind the nations that once accepted them.

On Wednesday, Vladimir Putin chairs a session of the Collective Security Council of the Russia-led CSTO in Moscow. One member will be present on paper but absent in practice: Armenia, whose participation has been frozen since February 2024.

The rupture traces back to the 2020 war with Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh. The charter envisages aid for a member in such a conflict, yet no ally sent troops. Armenia lost the war and blamed the bloc for offering nothing meaningful, even though Moscow keeps two military bases in the country. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, in power since 2018 after protests against Russia-backed leaders, declared on November 5 that Armenia's interest in the CSTO had run its course. Yerevan is also seeking EU membership. Analysts read the timing as deliberate: Russia is distracted by Ukraine, weighed down by sanctions and a looming recession.

The bloc's credibility has eroded. No member backed Moscow militarily over Ukraine, and Russia's reported failures there have undercut the myth of its might, according to regional experts who also question the quality of the arms it sells to partners.

Other former Soviet states are finding other formats. The Turkic states have held joint drills in Nagorno-Karabakh and on the Caspian, and Central Asian nations have trained together. Uzbekistan, the region's largest economy, stays at arm's length, offering loyalty gestures to Moscow while courting Washington.

For now, the most pressing item is Afghanistan, where Russian officials warn of tens of thousands of armed fighters and where Islamic State recruits young Central Asians. Observers will watch whether the summit moves against Armenia's voting rights and whether the shared fear of Afghanistan can still bring the members into common action.

On Wednesday, Vladimir Putin will chair a session of the Collective Security Council of the Collective Security Treaty Organization in Moscow. The CSTO is the Russia-led post-Soviet military bloc, and one of its members will be conspicuously absent in spirit if not on paper. Armenia's participation has been frozen since February 2024. The membership technically exists, but Yerevan takes no part in the bloc's activities.

The reason goes back to the 2020 war with Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh, a region once dominated by ethnic Armenians. The CSTO's charter envisages aid for a member in such a conflict, yet neither Russia nor Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan or Tajikistan sent troops. Armenia lost the war and blamed the group for offering no meaningful support. This is despite Moscow maintaining two military bases in Armenia, with thousands of servicemen and border guards. Azerbaijan, which left the CSTO in 1999, fought with new weaponry bought from Russia for billions of dollars, along with Turkish and Israeli-made drones and a revised war playbook.

Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said last week that Armenia "de facto" does not take part in the CSTO's operations, and that what happens next will depend on the nature of the discussions inside the organisation. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said on November 5 that Armenia's interest in the CSTO "has run its course." Pashinyan has been a thorn in Moscow's side since he came to power in 2018 after mass protests against Russia-backed Armenian leaders, and Yerevan is also seeking European Union membership. Moves to strip Armenia of its voting rights amount to "a demonstrative whipping," Galiya Ibragimova, a Moldova-based Central Asia expert, told Al Jazeera. She expects the other members, more economically dependent on Russia or guided by a "don't poke the tiger" logic, to stay quiet.

Analysts see Armenia's timing as deliberate. Alisher Ilkhamov, head of the London-based Central Asia Due Diligence think tank, said Yerevan is acting while Russia is occupied by the war in Ukraine and weakened by Western sanctions, Ukrainian strikes on its economic infrastructure and a looming recession. Armenia is a country of 3 million still absorbing more than 100,000 people who arrived from Nagorno-Karabakh.

The invasion of Ukraine in 2022 deepened doubts about the bloc, since no member backed Moscow militarily. Only weeks earlier, in January 2022, the CSTO had shown its reach when Russia sent thousands of peacekeepers to Kazakh cities after mass street protests. Ibragimova argues that Russia's reported failures in Ukraine have turned its might into a myth that even its own officials and military believe in. She also says the weapons Russia sells to members as discounted and advanced are in reality very old arms Moscow did not need.

Meanwhile, former Soviet states in Central Asia and the South Caucasus are finding other formats. One is the Turkiye-led Organization of Turkic States, which includes Azerbaijan and three Central Asian nations. In late September, thousands of elite servicemen from Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan and Turkiye trained in Nagorno-Karabakh and on the Caspian shore, practising ship seizures, paratrooper landings and drone attacks and resupply. In October 2025, Azerbaijan, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan held joint drills.

Uzbekistan, Central Asia's economic powerhouse with 37 million people, remains out of reach. It left the bloc in 1999, rejoined in 2006 and suspended its membership in 2012, preferring to be an observer. Ilkhamov says Moscow has so far limited itself to verbal dissatisfaction with Azerbaijan and Uzbekistan and cannot take decisive steps soon. He says President Shavkat Mirziyoyev offsets his moves toward the West with shows of loyalty to Moscow: he has attended the May 9 Victory Parade and sends troops to joint drills with Russia, while also hosting US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who visited in mid-October.

The one "real" item on the agenda, according to Ruslan Suleymanov of the New Eurasian Strategies Centre, is Afghanistan. Russian officials warned this year that up to 23,000 fighters from more than 20 armed groups operate there. Islamic State in Khorasan Province, which recruits young people from Central Asia, especially Tajikistan, claimed the 2024 Moscow concert hall attack that killed more than 140 people and wounded more than 550. This year CSTO states strengthened security along the 1,344km Afghan-Tajik border. Watch whether the summit moves against Armenia's voting rights, and whether Afghanistan produces coordinated action.

Armenia de facto doesn't participate in the CSTO's operations; what happens next depends on the discussions within the organisation.
— Dmitry Peskov, Kremlin spokesman
Moves to strip Armenia of voting rights amount to a demonstrative whipping.
— Galiya Ibragimova, Central Asia expert
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