Modi, Putin reaffirm ties as BRICS grapples with Ukraine, Iran tensions

BRICS is functioning, but the contradictions remain
Former UN diplomat Shashi Tharoor on whether the expanded 11-member bloc can maintain unity amid geopolitical divisions.
Mark

Why does it matter that Modi pressed Putin on Ukraine? Isn't that just diplomatic theater?

Mimi

It matters because Modi isn't speaking from ideology—he's speaking from India's concrete interests. Russian attacks in the Black Sea have disrupted Indian oil and grain imports, and Indian sailors have been killed in drone strikes. Modi is saying: this war is hurting us, and we need it to stop.

Luke

But we should note that Modi has done this before—he urged Putin to end the war at an SCO meeting in August. So this is a pattern, not a breakthrough. And there's no indication Putin is listening.

Mark

What's the real problem with BRICS right now?

Mimi

The bloc has grown too fast and too wide. It went from four members to eleven, and now it includes countries with completely opposed geopolitical interests—Iran and Egypt, for example. They can't even agree on language about Ukraine or Iran anymore.

Luke

Right, and that's the key detail: last year they couldn't agree on any statement at all. India had to issue a "chair statement" instead. That's not a coalition functioning smoothly—that's a coalition barely holding together.

Mark

Is there anything BRICS actually agrees on?

Mimi

Yes—the idea that the Global South needs a stronger voice in the global economy. And there are practical proposals, like linking payment systems and trading in local currencies instead of dollars. Goyal mentioned India's UPI as a model.

Luke

But those proposals are also contested. An alternative payment system is one of the things members disagree about. And China's dominant role within BRICS is another source of tension. So even on the economic front, there's no consensus.

Mark

What's Modi trying to do here?

Mimi

He's trying to keep BRICS from becoming an anti-Western bloc while also deepening India's ties with Russia and China. It's a balancing act—he meets with Putin, then with Pezeshkian, then with Xi. He's trying to be the bridge.

Luke

But that strategy only works if the other members want to be bridged. If Russia and China have their own agenda, or if Iran and Egypt pull in opposite directions, Modi's diplomacy becomes theater. We don't yet know if India can actually hold this together.

  • BRICS has grown powerful enough to reshape global finance but fractured enough that it could not produce a consensus document at its previous summit — only a chair's statement, the diplomatic language of impasse.
  • Putin arrived in person for the first time since the 2022 invasion, lending the summit symbolic weight while his war in Ukraine continued to disrupt Indian shipping, endanger Indian sailors, and strain the partnership Modi was simultaneously celebrating.
  • Iran's President Pezeshkian, making the first Iranian presidential visit to India in over eight years, warned that American economic pressure had reached a 'critical, dangerous' stage — placing Modi in the familiar bind of acknowledging an ally's suffering without alienating others.
  • Proposals to link payment systems and trade in local currencies surfaced at the Business Forum, but China's dominant role and deep disagreements over architecture kept any alternative to dollar hegemony firmly in the realm of aspiration.
  • India's 'America Plus' strategy — deepening ties with Moscow and Beijing while preserving Western relationships — demanded constant calibration, and the summit's outcome would test whether that balance could hold across eleven increasingly divergent member states.

In New Delhi, as the world's largest economic coalition gathered under one roof, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi faced the ancient challenge of the convener: how to hold together those whose interests converge only at the edges. The BRICS Summit of September 2026 brought eleven nations representing 3.7 billion people and forty percent of global GDP into a single hall — yet the very breadth of that gathering revealed how much harder unity becomes when the circle grows wider. Modi pressed Putin on Ukraine, welcomed Iran's isolated president, and quietly resisted the pull toward an anti-Western posture, embodying the paradox of a rising world that wants a new order but cannot yet agree on what that order should look like.

New Delhi prepared for a summit that was as much about managing contradictions as celebrating solidarity. When BRICS convened on September 12 and 13, it did so as a bloc of eleven nations representing 3.7 billion people and nearly forty percent of global GDP — a coalition whose sheer size had become both its greatest argument and its deepest vulnerability.

Modi's most consequential bilateral came before the summit formally opened, in a meeting with Vladimir Putin that reaffirmed their 'Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership' while concealing a harder exchange beneath the ceremonial language. Modi pressed Putin — as he had done before — to pursue diplomacy over war in Ukraine. His reasons were concrete: disrupted Black Sea shipping had affected India's purchases of Russian oil and grain, and Indian sailors had been caught in drone attacks. Putin responded by blaming Western nations for attempting to reclaim economic dominance through what he called unseemly means.

The following meeting carried its own weight. Iran's President Pezeshkian arrived in New Delhi for the first Iranian presidential visit to India in more than eight years, describing American sanctions as having reached a 'critical, dangerous' stage. Modi called for maritime trade protection and regional peace — language carefully chosen to acknowledge Iran's position without unsettling India's relationships with Israel and the Gulf states.

What distinguished this summit from the last was not only Putin's rare in-person attendance, but the visible strain of coalition management. The previous year, BRICS leaders had failed to agree on language regarding Ukraine or Iran, forcing India to issue a chair's statement rather than a consensus document. Former UN diplomat Shashi Tharoor captured the tension plainly: expansion had made BRICS the voice of the Global South, but it had also made agreement harder. 'The contradictions remain,' he said, 'and some have become even more apparent.'

At the Business Forum, India's Commerce Minister proposed linking payment systems across member nations and encouraging trade in local currencies, pointing to India's own digital payments infrastructure as a model. But the proposal sat uneasily alongside unresolved questions about China's role within the expanded bloc. Renewable energy financing offered a rare area of potential consensus, though it fell short of the transformative ambitions that had originally drawn nations to BRICS.

Modi's broader strategy — deepening ties with China and Russia while keeping BRICS from becoming an explicitly anti-Western platform — required constant recalibration. The bloc now included both Iran, a US adversary, and Egypt and Ethiopia, both American strategic partners. As thousands of security personnel were deployed across Delhi and schools closed their doors, the summit's real question was whether a coalition this large and this divided could find common ground on anything more concrete than the idea of a multipolar world.

New Delhi was bracing for a delicate diplomatic performance. As the BRICS Summit opened its doors on September 12 and 13, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi faced the task of holding together an alliance that had grown too large and too fractured to speak with one voice. The bloc now represented 3.7 billion people and nearly 40 percent of global GDP—a staggering concentration of economic and political weight. Yet the very expansion that had made BRICS a force to reckon with had also loaded it with contradictions that threatened to splinter it from within.

Modi's first test came in his bilateral meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin on the eve of the summit. The two leaders reaffirmed their "Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership," exchanging views on defense, energy, technology, and people-to-people ties. But beneath the ceremonial language lay a harder conversation. Modi, for the second time in recent months, pressed Putin to pursue negotiations and diplomacy to end the war in Ukraine. The Indian leader had reason to push: Russia's invasion had disrupted shipping in the Black Sea, affecting India's substantial purchases of Russian oil and grain. Indian sailors had been caught in drone attacks. The conflict was no longer a distant European problem—it was damaging Indian interests and Indian lives. Putin, for his part, blamed Western countries for attempting to reclaim their "former leadership" through what he called unseemly means, pointing to the destruction of infrastructure and the seizure of vessels as evidence of economic warfare.

The same evening, Modi met with Iran's President Masoud Pezeshkian, whose arrival in New Delhi marked the first visit by an Iranian president to India in over eight years. The meeting carried weight beyond protocol. Iran was under siege—economically strangled by American sanctions that Pezeshkian described as having reached a "critical, dangerous" stage following military aggression by the United States and Israel. Modi, walking a familiar tightrope, called for regional peace and the protection of maritime trade routes, a careful formulation that acknowledged Iran's plight without alienating India's relationships with Israel and the Arab Gulf states. The Strait of Hormuz, through which much of the world's oil flows, had become a flashpoint of competing blockades.

What made this summit different from the previous year was not just the presence of Putin and Xi Jinping in person—Putin's first in-person attendance at a BRICS summit outside Russia since the 2022 invasion. It was the visible strain of trying to hold the coalition together. When BRICS leaders had met the year before, they could not agree on language regarding either Ukraine or Iran. India, as chair, had issued a chair statement instead of a consensus document—a diplomatic euphemism for failure. Former UN diplomat Shashi Tharoor, speaking to observers, acknowledged that the expansion of BRICS from its original four members to eleven had made it "the voice of the Global South." But he also noted plainly that the chances of consensus had decreased. "BRICS is functioning, but the contradictions remain, and some contradictions have become even more apparent," he said.

The bloc's internal divisions ran deeper than disagreements over distant conflicts. Indian Commerce and Industry Minister Piyush Goyal used the BRICS Business Forum to propose linking payment systems across member nations and encouraging trade in local currencies—a direct challenge to dollar dominance. He pointed to India's Unified Payments Interface as a model for cross-border financial cooperation. Yet such proposals masked fundamental disagreements. An alternative payment system and questions about China's dominant role within the expanded bloc threatened to fracture the group's unity. Renewable energy and green infrastructure financing were emerging as areas where consensus might be possible, but they were hardly the transformative initiatives that had drawn nations to BRICS in the first place.

Modi's diplomatic challenge was acute. India's approach, which observers called "America Plus," sought to deepen ties with China and Russia while maintaining relationships with the West and preventing BRICS from becoming an explicitly anti-Western platform. It was a strategy that required constant calibration, constant reassurance to multiple audiences. The expanded bloc now included both Iran, a US adversary, and Egypt and Ethiopia, both strategic partners of the United States. The geopolitical fault lines that ran through the world ran through BRICS as well. As security was intensified across Delhi, with thousands of personnel deployed and schools closed, the real work of the summit would be determining whether this sprawling coalition of the Global South could find common ground on anything more than the abstract principle of multipolarity.

BRICS is functioning, but the contradictions remain, and some contradictions have become even more apparent.
— Shashi Tharoor, former UN diplomat
Iran has been subjected to heavy sanctions in recent years. This pressure has reached critical and dangerous stage in recent months following the military aggression by the US and Israel.
— Masoud Pezeshkian, President of Iran
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