Merz vows to stay as German chancellor despite CDU's historic collapse in state elections

Trust in institutions is waning and being actively undermined
Merz acknowledged the erosion of public confidence in German democracy as radical parties gain ground.
Mark

So Merz is staying. That's the headline. But what does that actually mean for Germany right now?

Mimi

It means the government doesn't collapse tomorrow. But it also means a chancellor with almost no political capital trying to push through reforms that voters have already rejected. He's betting that economic change will eventually vindicate him.

Luke

Wait—has he actually lost the majority in parliament? Because the article says constitutional barriers make replacing him difficult, but it doesn't say he can't be replaced.

Mimi

Right. He still has the coalition with the SPD. They have the votes. But if he stepped down voluntarily, the SPD would have to agree on a successor, and that successor would need to command confidence. It's messy.

Mark

And the AfD is at 30% nationally. That's not a fringe party anymore.

Mimi

No. They're the largest opposition force. And they're explicit about their goal—they want to destroy the CDU. They're calling for Germany to leave the euro, stop supporting Ukraine, and carry out mass deportations.

Luke

The article says the AfD is "Kremlin-friendly." What does that mean exactly? Is that reporting or characterization?

Mimi

It's in the lede, so it's presented as fact. But the article doesn't elaborate on what that relationship actually consists of. That's a gap.

Mark

What about the eastern states? Why is the AfD so much stronger there?

Mimi

Deindustrialization. Economic anxiety. The sense that the west abandoned them after reunification. The AfD speaks to that resentment in a way the CDU no longer does.

Luke

And Merz has only been chancellor for sixteen months. So this isn't a slow decline—this is a collapse.

Mimi

Exactly. He came in promising to fix the economy and reduce the AfD's support. He's done neither. One in ten Germans approve of him.

Mark

What happens if he actually does get replaced? Does that trigger a new election?

Luke

According to the article, yes—if a successor can't command a majority, it goes to new elections. But the SPD would probably try to find someone first.

Mimi

And if the AfD gains even more momentum from Merz falling, that changes the entire European picture. France, Italy, Spain, Poland—they're all watching.

Mark

So this isn't just about Germany.

Mimi

No. It's about whether liberal democracy can hold when people stop believing in it.

  • The CDU's 4.9% result in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania is not a setback but a collapse—the party's worst-ever state performance, erasing it entirely from a regional parliament it once helped shape.
  • The AfD's 38.3% victory in the same state, more than doubling its previous score, signals that anti-establishment fury in Germany's east has crossed from protest into dominance.
  • With only one in ten Germans approving of Merz's leadership, his coalition government has become so toxic that even its own Social Democratic partners are publicly distancing themselves from shared policy.
  • Merz is fighting on, betting that constitutional barriers to replacing him buy enough time for economic reforms on taxes, pensions, and bureaucracy to shift the national mood before 2029.
  • The AfD's firewall exclusion may keep it from governing in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, but its momentum is reshaping the terms of German politics—and, by extension, the confidence of far-right movements across Europe.

In the long arc of postwar German democracy, Sunday's state elections mark a sobering inflection point: the political center, long the anchor of European stability, is fraying at both edges. Chancellor Friedrich Merz, whose CDU fell below the parliamentary threshold in a former communist stronghold while the far-right AfD claimed more than a third of its votes, has chosen to remain in office—not from strength, but from the constitutional and moral logic that retreat may cost more than endurance. What is being tested is not merely one man's tenure, but whether the institutions of liberal democracy can hold their ground when the ground itself is moving.

Friedrich Merz announced on Sunday night that he would not resign—a declaration made against the backdrop of two simultaneous state election defeats that exposed the depth of his party's crisis. In Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, the CDU received just 4.9% of the vote, falling below the threshold required to enter the state parliament. It was the party's worst-ever state result. Merz called it a disaster. In Berlin, the far-left Die Linke was leading with roughly 25%, well ahead of the CDU government it was set to displace. The AfD, meanwhile, won Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania outright with 38.3%—more than double its previous score in the region.

These results were the third and fourth in recent weeks to show German voters abandoning the center for the extremes. Merz has been chancellor for sixteen months, leading a coalition with the Social Democrats and promising economic renewal and a reduction in the AfD's appeal. Neither promise has materialized. The eastern states, burdened by deindustrialization and economic anxiety, have become particularly hostile territory for his party, and the AfD now leads national polls at around 30%.

In his address, Merz acknowledged that the federal government's unpopularity was dragging down the CDU everywhere, but he framed his decision to stay as a matter of necessity rather than defiance. He pointed to economic upheaval, eroding institutional trust, and the deliberate efforts of radical parties on both flanks to undermine democratic norms. Reform, he argued, remained the only credible answer.

The AfD's co-leader called on Merz to resign and celebrated the results as a mandate. But the mathematics of German coalition politics complicate any path to power for the far right—other parties have maintained a collective agreement not to govern with the AfD, likely keeping it out of office in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania despite its first-place finish. Replacing Merz as chancellor would also require a parliamentary majority for any successor, and failure to find one could force a new national election.

The personal ironies are sharp. Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania was Angela Merkel's home constituency; Merz, her longtime internal rival, has now presided over the CDU's erasure from its parliament. In Berlin, Die Linke's expected victory could bring Elif Eralp to power as the capital's first leader of Turkish origin, on a platform of expropriating corporate landlords to address the housing crisis—a sign of how dramatically the political conversation has shifted.

Merz's choice to fight on preserves his path to the 2029 national election, but it also means leading a government that voters have plainly repudiated. The stakes extend well beyond Germany: if his chancellorship collapses and the AfD gains further momentum, it would send a signal to nativist movements across a continent heading into a cycle of consequential elections. Whether liberal democracy can hold in Europe's largest economy now depends, in part, on whether a deeply unpopular leader can find a way to turn the tide.

Friedrich Merz stood before cameras on Sunday night and announced he would not be stepping down. Germany's chancellor had just watched his Christian Democratic Union collapse in two state elections—one to the far right, one to the left—and the political ground beneath him was shifting. In Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, a former communist region in the northeast, his party managed just 4.9% of the vote, falling below the 5% threshold required to enter the state parliament. It was the worst result the CDU had ever recorded in a state election. Merz called it a disaster. He was not wrong.

The Alternative für Deutschland, the anti-immigration party with ties to the Kremlin, won that same election with 38.3%—more than double what it had achieved there before. In Berlin, the capital, the far-left Die Linke was on course to win with roughly 25% of the vote, five points ahead of the sitting CDU government. The AfD posted double-digit results there as well. These were not isolated setbacks. They were the third and fourth demonstrations in recent weeks that German voters were abandoning the political center in favor of the extremes.

Merz has been chancellor for sixteen months. He took office in May 2025 at the head of a coalition with the centre-left Social Democrats, promising to restore economic strength and reduce the AfD's appeal. Neither has happened. Only one in ten Germans now say they are satisfied with his leadership. The eastern states, where industrial decline and economic anxiety run deepest, have become a graveyard for his party. The AfD leads national opinion polls at around 30% and has made the destruction of the CDU one of its explicit political goals.

In his speech that night, Merz acknowledged the CDU had suffered from a lack of momentum flowing from Berlin—the capital's unpopularity was dragging down his party everywhere. But he said he would remain chancellor and party chair. He would push forward with reforms on taxes, healthcare, pensions, and reducing bureaucracy. He framed the moment in larger terms: Germany faced profound economic upheaval, public discourse had grown harsher and more divided, and trust in institutions was eroding. "Trust in our country's institutions is waning and is being actively undermined by radical parties on both the left and the right," he said. He argued that reform itself was the answer—that economic modernization and institutional renewal could inoculate Germany against the appeal of authoritarianism.

The AfD's co-leader, Tino Chrupalla, had already mocked Merz before the speech, calling on him to resign and celebrating what he called a "very clear result" for his own party. The mathematics of German politics, however, work against the far right. Although the AfD came first in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, the other parties have maintained a "firewall"—an agreement not to work with it—that will likely keep it out of power in that state. Replacing Merz as chancellor would be constitutionally difficult; any successor would need to command a parliamentary majority, and failure to secure one could trigger a new national election.

The timing is bitter for Merz in ways that cut deeper than polling numbers. Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania was the home constituency of Angela Merkel, who governed Germany for sixteen years before stepping down. Merz, her longtime rival within the CDU, has lasted barely a year longer than she did in the chancellery. The state's Social Democratic premier, Manuela Schwesig, distanced herself during the campaign from a pension reform that her party backed in Merz's coalition government—a sign of how toxic the federal government has become even to its own allies.

In Berlin, Die Linke's expected victory could bring Elif Eralp to power as the capital's first leader of Turkish origin. The party has campaigned on expropriating corporate landlords to address the housing crisis, a radical position that reflects how far left the debate has shifted in the capital. Nearly 2.5 million Berliners were eligible to vote; in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, the figure was just over 1.3 million. These are not trivial electorates, and their rejection of the CDU sends a clear signal.

Merz's decision to fight on rather than cede the party leadership preserves his path to the 2029 national election, but it also leaves him leading a government that voters have plainly lost faith in. Germany is struggling with deindustrialization, sluggish growth, and soaring energy costs. If Merz were to fall and the AfD gained further momentum, it would embolden nativist movements across Europe—France, Italy, Spain, and Poland all head into elections next year with far-right parties surging. The stability of Europe's largest economy, and the broader question of whether liberal democracy can hold in the face of authoritarian appeal, now rests partly on whether a deeply unpopular chancellor can somehow reverse course.

Merz called the CDU's 4.9% result in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania a 'disaster'
— Friedrich Merz, German Chancellor
Germany is capable of reform. These reforms are the antidote to the poison of authoritarianism, which is penetrating ever deeper into our society
— Friedrich Merz, in his speech on election night
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