Macron courts Gulf allies on energy, AI amid domestic turmoil

Diplomacy abroad offers cover when unrest escalates at home
Macron's Gulf tour comes as France faces its worst civil unrest in years, with questions about whether international efforts can address domestic anger.
Mark

Why is Macron making this trip now, when France is dealing with serious domestic unrest?

Mimi

He's trying to secure energy supplies and diversify where France gets them. The Iran conflict has disrupted Middle Eastern oil, and that's feeding France's cost-of-living crisis. He needs to show voters he's solving the problem.

Luke

But can he actually solve it? The source says France and Europe can do "little to contain a war to which they are not party." So what leverage does he really have?

Mimi

That's the tension. He's there to build relationships, sign defense deals, get AI partnerships going. It's about positioning France as a trusted ally even if the immediate energy situation doesn't change overnight.

Mark

What about the domestic unrest? Is this trip a distraction from that?

Mimi

It could look that way. Over two thousand arrests, property destroyed, and he's abroad talking about maritime security. But he also just gave a televised address saying the trip would help secure supplies—he's framing it as part of the solution.

Luke

The source doesn't tell us whether Gulf leaders actually believe France can help, or whether they're just taking the meetings. We know Macron is there, we know what was discussed, but not whether anyone thinks it will work.

Mark

Is this his last chance to make a mark on the world stage?

Mimi

Essentially yes. He can't run again in six months. This tour matters for his legacy and for how he leaves office.

Luke

And for France's actual energy security, which is the thing that matters most to voters dealing with high prices at home.

  • Europe's energy vulnerability has become acute as the US-Iran conflict disrupts Gulf infrastructure and threatens the Strait of Hormuz, the artery through which much of the world's oil flows.
  • Houthi pressure on a second chokepoint, the Bab Al Mandeb strait, risks compounding the crisis, giving Macron's tour an urgency that goes beyond diplomatic courtesy.
  • The French delegation — including the CEOs of TotalEnergies and Engie, Airbus's sales chief, and the head of a major AI campus — signals that this is as much an industrial offensive as a political one.
  • At home, more than two thousand arrests amid widespread civil unrest have visibly eroded Macron's authority, making the optics of strength abroad both more necessary and more fragile.
  • With the 2027 presidential election six months away and Macron constitutionally barred from running, this Gulf tour may be among his last opportunities to shape France's strategic relationships as head of state.

As Europe strains under the weight of rising energy costs and a regional war it cannot directly shape, French President Emmanuel Macron has embarked on a Gulf tour — visiting Kuwait, the UAE, Bahrain, and Qatar — seeking to secure energy supplies and deepen defense partnerships with states that have themselves borne the scars of conflict. The journey is as much about France's place in the world as it is about kilowatt-hours and arms agreements: a leader nearing the end of his final term, navigating between domestic unrest and the imperatives of international relevance. In the long tradition of statecraft, Macron is attempting to demonstrate that presence and partnership can substitute, at least partially, for the leverage his country does not possess.

Emmanuel Macron arrived in Kuwait on Monday having just addressed the French nation on television, framing his Gulf tour as a mission to secure energy for a country battered by a cost-of-living crisis. Ninety minutes of closed-door talks with Emir Sheikh Meshal set the tone: France was positioning itself as an indispensable ally to Gulf states even as it struggled to influence the US-Iran war that had destabilized the region and driven energy prices upward.

The three-day itinerary — Kuwait, Abu Dhabi, Bahrain, then Qatar — was carefully chosen. Each of these states had suffered attacks on energy infrastructure during the conflict. The Strait of Hormuz had become a flashpoint, and Houthi rebels were now threatening the Bab Al Mandeb strait as a second chokepoint. France needed to be seen as working to keep shipping lanes open and global energy flows intact.

In Abu Dhabi, discussions turned on three pillars: energy, artificial intelligence, and the regional fallout. The French delegation was formidable — the heads of TotalEnergies and Engie traveled with the President, as did the chief of Campus AI, a major technological complex near Paris already drawing Emirati investment. Airbus's sales vice-president signed a fleet renewal partnership with the Kuwait Investment Authority, underscoring that commerce and diplomacy were moving in tandem.

The visit carried an unmistakable political weight. Macron cannot stand in France's presidential election six months away, making this likely one of his final Gulf tours as sitting president. The pressure to project strength abroad was sharpened by deteriorating conditions at home: over two thousand arrests had followed days of civil unrest, property torched and ransacked across the country. Macron had expressed anger and shame, promising consequences — but the damage to his authority was already plain.

The broader European calculation was visible throughout. A Franco-British proposal for a maritime coalition to defend ships in the Strait of Hormuz, floated in April, remained stalled pending a Washington-Tehran agreement that showed no signs of materializing. European nations had little direct leverage over the conflict, yet needed to persuade Gulf leaders of their reliability. The question shadowing Macron's entire journey was whether diplomatic achievements in the Gulf could register as meaningful back home, where patience with his leadership was running thin.

Emmanuel Macron landed in Kuwait on Monday carrying a message he had just delivered to the French nation in a solemn televised address: his Gulf tour would help secure energy supplies for a country gripped by a cost-of-living crisis. Within hours, he was sitting across from Kuwait's Emir Sheikh Meshal for ninety minutes of talks. The conversation was closed to reporters, but the purpose was clear. France, like other European nations, was seeking to position itself as an indispensable ally to the Gulf states even as it struggled to influence the very conflict—the war between the US and Iran—that had destabilized the region and sent energy prices climbing.

Macron's three-day journey would take him next to Abu Dhabi, where President Sheikh Mohamed received him with an official ceremony, then to Bahrain, and finally to Qatar by Wednesday. The itinerary was deliberate. Each of these states had suffered direct attacks on energy infrastructure during the Iran conflict. The Strait of Hormuz, through which much of the world's oil passes, had become a flashpoint. Houthi rebels from Yemen were now threatening a second chokepoint, the Bab Al Mandeb strait. The risk was that the global energy crunch could worsen. France needed to be seen as working to restore stability and keep shipping lanes open.

In Abu Dhabi, the discussions centered on three pillars: energy, artificial intelligence, and the fallout from regional conflict. State media reported that talks addressed "developments in the Middle East and efforts to contain their repercussions on maritime security and global energy supplies." The French delegation was not there to negotiate alone. Benoit de Saint Exupery, Airbus's executive vice-president for sales, and Sheikh Saud Salem Abdulaziz Al Sabah, executive director of the Kuwait Investment Authority, signed a partnership that included renewal of Kuwait Airways' fleet. The chief executives of TotalEnergies and Engie—two of France's largest energy companies—were traveling with the President. So was the head of Campus AI, a major technological complex under construction near Paris that had already attracted billions in funding from the UAE.

The timing of the visit underscored Macron's political constraints. He would be ineligible to run in France's presidential election six months away. This was likely to be one of his last major Gulf tours as sitting president. The stakes of appearing strong abroad were high precisely because the situation at home was deteriorating. Over the previous days, more than two thousand people had been arrested in connection with civil unrest that had seen property torched and ransacked across the country. Macron had issued a statement expressing "anger" and "shame," vowing that those responsible would "have to pay." His government was preparing to announce concrete proposals for young people, but the damage to his authority was already visible.

The diplomatic effort reflected a broader European calculation. France and its allies had proposed, in April, an international maritime coalition with the UK to defend ships in the Strait of Hormuz. That proposal was still waiting for a political agreement between Washington and Tehran—an agreement that seemed no closer. In the meantime, European nations had little direct leverage over the conflict itself, yet they needed to convince Gulf leaders that they remained reliable partners. The French delegation's presence—with defense ministers, foreign ministers, and the heads of major industrial concerns—was meant to signal commitment and capability.

Macron had visited the UAE multiple times as president. He had attended the COP28 climate summit in Dubai in 2023, visited the Louvre Abu Dhabi's opening in 2017, and met Sheikh Mohamed at the Zayed National Museum just ten months earlier. His most recent Middle East trip had been to Damascus in July, making him the first major Western leader to visit post-civil-war Syria. Each journey had allowed him to project French leadership on the international stage. But as unrest escalated at home, maintaining that focus was becoming harder. The question hanging over this Gulf tour was whether diplomatic achievements abroad could cut through the growing anger within France itself.

In light of the crisis gripping the Middle East, the President will continue his efforts with regional leaders to promote a return to stability and freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz
— Elysee Palace source
Discussions will focus on securing and diversifying energy supplies and their transport routes, with the aim of limiting the impact of the energy crisis on the daily lives of French people
— Elysee Palace source
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