Speak badly of me if you want, but speak the truth.
Em meados de abril, o presidente Lula concedeu uma entrevista exclusiva a três grandes veículos progressistas brasileiros e confirmou o que muitos já intuíam: ele disputará um quarto mandato. Não como gesto de ambição pessoal, mas como o que ele descreve como uma obrigação moral diante do risco de retorno do autoritarismo. A declaração chegou acompanhada de um balanço econômico, de críticas contundentes a líderes globais e de um roteiro doméstico ainda inacabado — o retrato de um homem que, aos 80 anos, ainda enxerga no horizonte uma tarefa maior do que ele próprio.
- Lula anuncia candidatura ao quarto mandato não como escolha, mas como dever moral: 'Não tenho o direito de deixar o fascismo voltar.'
- A economia apresenta sinais de recuperação — inflação em queda, salário mínimo em alta real, exportações recordes —, mas a dívida das famílias e o custo de vida ainda corroem a confiança popular.
- No front internacional, o presidente confronta Trump sobre a lógica tarifária e condena Netanyahu pela cumplicidade americana no que chama de tragédia em Gaza, mantendo o Brasil em posição de ruptura simbólica com Israel.
- No campo doméstico, um Ministério da Segurança Pública aguarda aprovação no Senado, e um novo programa de renegociação de dívidas mira o endividamento induzido por aplicativos de apostas.
- Lula encerra com uma visão de longo prazo: o Brasil, com seus recursos naturais, minerais críticos e potencial agrícola, tem condições de integrar o grupo das cinco maiores economias do mundo — e ele quer liderar esse salto.
Na manhã de uma terça-feira de abril, Lula sentou diante de três grandes veículos da imprensa progressista brasileira — DCM, Fórum e Brasil 247 — e confirmou sua candidatura ao quarto mandato. A justificativa não foi de ordem política, mas moral: ele viveu de perto a ditadura militar, a transição democrática, os sobressaltos do Collor e o que chama de retorno do fascismo com Bolsonaro. 'Não tenho o direito de deixar isso acontecer de novo', disse.
No campo econômico, Lula apresentou um balanço que considera positivo: inflação no menor patamar em quatro anos, crescimento real do salário mínimo, exportações recordes e 518 novos mercados abertos para produtores brasileiros em três anos e meio. Reconheceu, porém, que o endividamento das famílias e o custo de vida ainda pesam sobre a população — e que há muito a construir.
Sobre o cenário internacional, foi direto. Criticou Trump por usar ameaças tarifárias como performance política, lembrando ao presidente americano que os EUA acumulam superávit comercial com o Brasil. Sobre Netanyahu, separou o povo israelense de seu governo, mas foi categórico: as ações em Gaza são possíveis porque Washington as permite. O Brasil segue sem embaixador em Israel — uma ruptura simbólica deliberada.
Na agenda doméstica, Lula detalhou dois movimentos concretos: a criação de um Ministério da Segurança Pública, já aprovado na Câmara e em espera no Senado, para coordenar o combate ao crime organizado; e um programa de enfrentamento ao endividamento gerado pela explosão dos aplicativos de apostas. 'Temos que combater isso ontem', afirmou.
Ao final, Lula projetou sua visão de país: o Brasil tem terras, minerais críticos e capacidade energética para integrar o grupo das cinco maiores economias do mundo. O quarto mandato, disse, seria para fazer o país dar um salto definitivo rumo ao desenvolvimento. E acrescentou algo revelador: nunca se sentiu tão energizado para governar quanto agora.
On a Tuesday morning in mid-April, President Lula sat down for an exclusive interview with three major Brazilian outlets—DCM, Fórum, and Brasil 247—and what he said rippled across the country. The conversation ranged across his political future, the state of the economy, his view of global leaders, and the work still undone in Brazil. At its center was a single declaration: he is running for a fourth term.
Lula framed his candidacy not as personal ambition but as a moral obligation. He has lived through Brazil's democratic struggles—the military dictatorship, the transition, the chaos of Collor, the relative stability of Fernando Henrique Cardoso, his own three terms, the brief hope of Dilma, and then the return of what he called fascism. "I don't have the right to allow that to happen again," he said. The economy, he argued, has turned a corner. Inflation is at its lowest in four years. The minimum wage has grown in real terms year after year. Exports have hit record levels. The industrial sector, which had been hollowed out, is exporting again. Brazil opened 518 new markets for its producers in three and a half years. Yet he knows the gains are fragile, that people still struggle with debt and the cost of living, that there is much more to build.
On the global stage, Lula was blunt about the leaders he sees as threats. Trump, he said, plays a dangerous game of intimidation to appear strong to his own people. "He doesn't need to threaten the world," Lula observed. When they spoke directly, Lula reminded Trump that the United States actually runs a trade surplus with Brazil—$410 billion over fifteen years—so the tariff logic made no sense. On Netanyahu, Lula was sharper still. He took care to separate the Israeli people from their prime minister, noting that a quarter-million Jews live in Brazil and have helped the country grow. But Netanyahu's actions in Gaza, he said, are enabled by American complicity. "Israel acts because the U.S. allows it," Lula stated. He has not appointed an ambassador to Israel and has received none in return, a symbolic break that reflects his moral stance. He expressed solidarity with Pope Leo XIV for his criticism of Trump and his defense of human dignity.
The question of Cuba and Venezuela revealed Lula's complicated relationship with the left. He was born into a generation that admired the Cuban Revolution, but he does not pretend to agree with every policy that flowed from it. Cuba's current crisis—the shortages of food, fuel, medicine, electricity—is the worst in the island's history since 1959. The United States embargo, maintained through multiple administrations, has strangled the economy. Brazil has sent aid, as have China and Russia, but no single country can rescue another. What Cuba needs, Lula said, is a medium and long-term recovery plan that only Cubans can design. On Venezuela, he recounted his long involvement since 2003, his creation of the Group of Friends of Venezuela, his attempts to encourage transparent elections. When Maduro refused to release the electoral records, Lula did not recognize the results, but neither did he wage a public campaign against him. The situation is what it is.
Domestically, Lula outlined concrete plans. A constitutional amendment to create a Ministry of Public Security is already through the Chamber and awaits Senate approval. This will allow the federal government to deploy resources and personnel—the Federal Police, the Federal Highway Police, the National Guard—in a coordinated way to fight organized crime. The Federal Police has dismantled more than ten million criminals in three and a half years, he claimed. On the plague of gambling that has spread through Brazilian society via apps and digital platforms, Lula said the government is preparing a program to address citizen debt, building on the Desenrola initiative from 2024. The problem is not just that people borrow; it is that they are induced to borrow by relentless marketing of betting apps. "We have to fight this yesterday," he said.
Lula also addressed the media, particularly Globo. A PowerPoint presentation the network aired attempted to link a private citizen to the president and the Central Bank governor, with a PT flag in the background. Lula called it irresponsible and met with network leadership. He has been a victim of media distortion before—in 1989, 1994, 1998, 2002, 2006, 2010, 2014, and during the Lava Jato operation. He does not want to spend his presidency at war with the press, as Brizola did, but he will not pretend to have forgotten. "Speak badly of me if you want," he said, "but speak the truth. Don't invent stories."
On his larger vision: Brazil has the resources to become one of the four or five largest economies in the world. The country is becoming the world's breadbasket, with 40 million hectares of land to recover and cultivate. Rare earth minerals and critical minerals are abundant. The energy transition the world needs—Brazil can lead it. His fourth term, he said, is to make Brazil take a definitive leap toward developed status. The work of reconstruction after the previous government was harder than the work of 2003, when he first took office. But he feels, he said, more energized to be president now than ever before.
Notable Quotes
I don't have the right to allow fascism to return to Brazil. Democracy cost too many people too much.— Lula, on his motivation for a fourth term
Trump doesn't need to threaten the world. The U.S. actually runs a $410 billion trade surplus with Brazil over fifteen years.— Lula, on his conversation with President Trump
Netanyahu's actions are enabled by American complicity. Israel acts because the U.S. allows it.— Lula, on the Gaza situation and U.S. policy
The Hearth Conversation Another angle on the story
You say you're running for a fourth term out of moral obligation, not personal ambition. But doesn't every politician say that?
The difference is what you've actually done and what you're willing to do next. I've lived through dictatorship, through the return of fascism. I know the cost. That's not rhetoric—it's memory.
You mentioned that people are still struggling with debt despite economic growth. How do you explain that gap?
Wages have grown, yes, but so has the cost of living. And now there's this new plague—the betting apps. People are being hunted by algorithms designed to make them lose money. It's not just about earning more; it's about protecting people from being exploited.
On Netanyahu and Gaza—you're being careful to separate the Israeli people from their government. Why that distinction?
Because it's true. A quarter-million Jews built this country with us. But a leader who stays in power by making war is doing harm to his own people and to humanity. The U.S. enables it. That's the real problem.
You didn't recognize Maduro's election results, but you also didn't condemn him publicly. That seems like a middle path.
What was I supposed to do? Wage a campaign against him? I asked for transparency. He refused. I stated my position. The rest is for Venezuelans to decide. I respect their right to self-determination, even when I disagree with how they exercise it.
The media—Globo especially—has attacked you for decades. How do you govern without resentment?
You have to let it go, or it poisons everything. But letting it go doesn't mean forgetting. I remember what they did. I just choose not to be consumed by it. That's the only way to actually work.
What's the one thing you want Brazilians to understand about your fourth term?
That we're not finished. We've rebuilt what was destroyed. Now we have to build something new—a country that's truly developed, where people eat well, work with dignity, and have real power over their own lives.