In a China where a nod at a foreign boardroom can be the last public moment before a man disappears, the anti-corruption campaign of Xi Jinping has climbed from district offices into the highest chambers of the Communist Party, reaching former defense ministers, a spy chief, a former top judge and a Beijing deputy mayor. The state presents this as a cleansing of the body politic, a project Xi has framed as never-ending, and its effects are visible in thinning ranks, scrubbed social media and empty seats. Those who fall are not merely removed from office but gradually removed from memory, while
Lonely at the Top: Xi Jinping's Anti-Corruption Purge Reaches Beijing's Highest Ranks
The only person who doesn't need to worry about their future is Xi himself.
What stands out first is how quickly Xia Linmao went from a televised meeting to disappearing.
Days. He was on state TV with Walmart's CEO, taking notes, and now he's gone from public view.
And he's not an outlier, is he? The list is long.
A former top judge, a spy chief, dozens of generals. Even discipline officials. The numbers are stark: over 410 ministerial-level officials purged in three years, the Central Military Commission down to two members, the Politburo at 21 of 24.
Worth noting those figures come from the party's own disciplinary body and official tallies. We don't have independent verification of the totals.
What about the death sentences?
Wei Fenghe and Li Shangfu, both former defense ministers, got suspended death sentences in May after bribery convictions, with a two-year reprieve.
Suspended, though. That's not execution, and the piece doesn't say what happens after two years.
Is there a successor in view?
Not apparently. Deng Yuwen argues Xi doesn't need one yet, because whoever he promotes becomes a loyalist.
That's one analyst's reading. The article reports Xi is expected to seek a fourth term, but that's an expectation, not an announcement, and why each person fell isn't established here.
Le Pouls
- More than 410 officials have been purged in three years, and the Central Military Commission has dwindled to just two members, one of them Xi.
- Near-daily disciplinary announcements are unsettling Beijing, with former mayors, generals and judges vanishing from public life and social media.
- A closed-door Beijing meeting of more than 200 party elites this week is drawing scrutiny because so many expected attendees are gone.
- Xi appears to be consolidating control ahead of a fall party gathering where he is expected to secure an unprecedented fourth term, with few rivals left standing.
In a China where a nod at a foreign boardroom can be the last public moment before a man disappears, the anti-corruption campaign of Xi Jinping has climbed from district offices into the highest chambers of the Communist Party, reaching former defense ministers, a spy chief, a former top judge and a Beijing deputy mayor. The state presents this as a cleansing of the body politic, a project Xi has framed as never-ending, and its effects are visible in thinning ranks, scrubbed social media and empty seats. Those who fall are not merely removed from office but gradually removed from memory, while the man steering the campaign faces no evident rival as he moves toward a fourth term. The story is less about individual disgrace than about a system where power has consolidated so completely that the question of who is next has become the only question left to whisper.
Last week, state television showed Beijing's deputy mayor, Xia Linmao, nodding and taking notes beside Walmart CEO John Furner as his boss courted American business. Now Xia has vanished, one more name in a campaign that has swept up a former top judge, a spy chief, dozens of generals and even the officials charged with policing corruption. Across China, officials speak quietly about who will be next.
The purge has reached the highest levels of the party and touched people once considered close to Xi Jinping. The Central Military Commission, normally seven members strong, is down to two. The Politburo has lost three of its 24 seats. Over the past three years more than 410 officials have been removed, a pace not seen in decades. Huang Qifan, the longtime mayor of Chongqing who survived six party secretaries, was the latest to fall, and his name has already been scrubbed from the internet by former acquaintances. Former defense ministers Wei Fenghe and Li Shangfu received suspended death sentences in May after bribery convictions.
Xi himself appears more secure than ever. Earlier this year he warned that corruption "remains grave" and that "two-faced people" remain in the party. This week more than 200 elites gather behind closed doors in Beijing, with attendance at a historic low, a meeting expected to reinforce his authority before the fall congress. Analysts note that with few senior patrons left and no visible heir, younger officials now look only to Xi, and whoever he promotes will have every reason to remain loyal.
Last week, Chinese state television showed Beijing's deputy mayor, Xia Linmao, sitting in a meeting with Walmart CEO John Furner and other American executives, nodding and taking notes while his boss urged the group to do more business in the capital. Now Xia has vanished from public life, the latest official swept up in an anti-corruption campaign that has reached a former top judge, a spy chief, dozens of military generals, and even the officials whose job is to root out graft.
Across China, party officials are wondering in hushed tones who is next. The purge has climbed into the highest levels of the Communist Party and has toppled people seen as close to Xi Jinping. The one person who does not need to worry about his future is Xi himself. Unlike US President Donald Trump, who is fighting to protect his party in the midterm elections and is barred from serving more than two terms, Xi, 73, presides over the world's second-biggest economy with his position looking more secure than ever.
He carries that confidence into a closed-door meeting this week of more than 200 members of the party elite in Beijing, a gathering expected to strengthen both his authority and his signature anti-corruption drive. Attendance will be at a historic low, because so many people who would normally be there have been removed. The meeting is watched closely because it comes a year before a more important party gathering next fall, where Xi is expected to arrange an unprecedented fourth term. After years of purges, few if any figures or factions remain who could stand against him.
Since Xi took power more than 14 years ago, millions of rank-and-file officials have been purged. In 2022 he called on the party to "turn the blade inward" and investigate those responsible for enforcing discipline. He remains unsatisfied. Earlier this year he told cadres that the corruption problem "remains grave," warned of many "two-faced people" still in the party, and promised a "never-ending struggle."
The pace and scale have reached levels not seen in decades. Data from the party's Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI) shows that between 2012 and 2022, more than 500 ministerial-level officials were probed, convicted, removed, and expelled. In just the last three years, more than 410 have been purged. The Central Military Commission, normally seven members, is down to two, one of them Xi. The 24-member Politburo has shrunk to 21.
Over the past three weeks, the CCDI has issued near-daily updates on arrests, new investigations, and expulsions. The probe of Huang Qifan sent shockwaves through political circles. Huang was the longtime mayor of Chongqing, regarded as a consummate survivor who served under six party secretaries and watched two of them go to jail, one a former rival of Xi. In retirement he was a fixture at conferences and on television, offering views on the economy. Since his fall, people who knew him have scrubbed mentions of him from their social media, a common practice in China.
Others disappear long before any announcement. Ma Xingrui, an aerospace engineer who rose to run the vast western region of Xinjiang, was not seen in public for five months before authorities announced his investigation in April. A corruption investigation almost always ends a political career, and guilty officials are kept out of public view even after serving their sentences. Authorities have also shown willingness to use the death penalty: in May, two former defense ministers, Wei Fenghe and Li Shangfu, received suspended death sentences with a two-year reprieve after bribery convictions.
The purges have left younger officials with fewer senior figures to offer patronage, protection, and advancement, and Xi, unlike his predecessors, has no apparent heir. Deng Yuwen, a former deputy editor of the party's Study Times, told CNN that this may suit Xi: younger people now all listen to him, and whoever he promotes will become a loyalist, with plenty of time to make them so. This week's meeting is the next place to watch for who remains.
Citations marquantes
Whoever he promotes will become his loyalist, and he has enough time to make someone his trusted loyalists.— Deng Yuwen, former deputy editor of the Study Times
The corruption problem remains grave, and the war against graft is a never-ending struggle.— Xi Jinping, to party cadres earlier this year