After more than fifteen years without a known execution, Libya's eastern military force has put at least 31 people to death following secret trials that its own country's Supreme Court had ruled unconstitutional — a rupture in a fragile legal order that now places at least 50 more lives in immediate jeopardy. The Libyan Arab Armed Forces, commanded by General Khalifa Haftar and backed by foreign governments, conducted the killings despite rulings, appeals, and international condemnation, relying on convictions built on confessions that human rights organizations say were extracted through tort
Libya's Eastern Forces Execute 31 in First Wave Since 2010, HRW Reports
Libya went 15 years without an execution, shattered in weeks
Why does it matter that Libya's Supreme Court ruled these trials unconstitutional in 2025? Didn't that ruling have any force?
It had legal force, but no enforcement mechanism. The LAAF simply ignored it and carried out the executions anyway. That's the core problem—there's no authority in Libya powerful enough to compel compliance.
So we should be clear: the Supreme Court ruling is real, but it's also a symbol of how fragmented the state is. The LAAF answers to Haftar, not to courts.
The source says confessions were "allegedly" extracted through torture. How confident are we that torture actually happened?
Amnesty International documented the pattern. But you're right to flag the word "allegedly"—we're not describing firsthand witness testimony to torture. We're describing what human rights groups concluded from the pattern of arrests, convictions, and the defendants' own statements.
And that's important to hold. We know the trials were secret, we know confessions were central to convictions, we know the LAAF has a history of abuse. But the torture itself is documented by organizations, not independently verified by journalists in the room.
Why would the LAAF execute people whose sentences had already been reduced on appeal?
That's the question that suggests this isn't about justice at all. If a higher court already said life imprisonment was appropriate, why execute them? It suggests the executions are political—removing people the LAAF views as threats.
We should be careful there. We don't know the LAAF's reasoning. We know the fact: two people had sentences reduced, then were executed anyway. That's the story. The motive is inference.
Who are these fifty people still at Gernada prison? Do we know anything about them?
The source doesn't name them or describe their cases. We know they're at imminent risk, but we don't have their stories.
That's a real gap. Fifty people facing execution, and we have almost no detail about who they are or what they're accused of. That's worth naming as something we don't know.
What leverage do foreign governments actually have here?
The source says governments fund, train, and legitimize the LAAF. That's real leverage—if you're providing military support, you can condition it on halting executions.
True, but the source doesn't name which governments or how much support they provide. That's crucial context for whether the leverage is real or theoretical. We know it exists in principle, but not in practice.
The Pulse
- Libya's fifteen-year moratorium on executions collapsed in weeks as the LAAF carried out at least 31 killings by firing squad, with at least 50 more prisoners at Gernada military prison facing imminent death.
- Trials were conducted in total secrecy — families barred, lawyers denied private access, no written judgments issued — and many convictions rested on confessions that human rights groups say were obtained through torture.
- Libya's own Supreme Court ruled in 2025 that military courts cannot try civilians, yet the LAAF proceeded with executions anyway, discarding the constitutional ruling as if it did not exist.
- Families were denied advance notice of the killings, refused return of the bodies, and warned against holding funerals — violations that international law classifies as torture and cruel treatment of the living as well as the dead.
- Human Rights Watch and the United Nations have condemned the executions, but real leverage lies with the foreign governments funding and legitimizing the LAAF, whose willingness to apply pressure may determine whether the next wave of killings happens.
After more than fifteen years without a known execution, Libya's eastern military force has put at least 31 people to death following secret trials that its own country's Supreme Court had ruled unconstitutional — a rupture in a fragile legal order that now places at least 50 more lives in immediate jeopardy. The Libyan Arab Armed Forces, commanded by General Khalifa Haftar and backed by foreign governments, conducted the killings despite rulings, appeals, and international condemnation, relying on convictions built on confessions that human rights organizations say were extracted through torture. In a land divided between two rival authorities and governed in many places by unaccountable militias, this moment asks an ancient question with urgent modern stakes: who holds power accountable when the institutions meant to do so are themselves fractured or ignored?
Libya has carried out at least 31 executions since late August 2026 — the first known capital punishments in the country in over fifteen years. The Libyan Arab Armed Forces, the eastern military organization led by General Khalifa Haftar, announced the first ten killings by firing squad on August 23. By September 10, international human rights groups had confirmed at least 31 dead, with at least 50 more prisoners at Gernada military prison facing imminent execution.
Many of those executed had been arrested in Derna and Benghazi during the armed conflict between the LAAF and opposing groups that ran from 2014 to 2018. Between 2018 and 2021, military courts convicted hundreds of civilians in closed proceedings, sentencing at least 22 to death — convictions that Amnesty International says rested heavily on confessions extracted through torture by the LAAF-affiliated Internal Security Agency. In a particularly stark detail, at least two individuals whose death sentences had been reduced to life imprisonment on appeal in 2019 were executed this year regardless.
The killings proceeded in defiance of a constitutional ruling. In November 2025, Libya's Supreme Court found that the law permitting military courts to try civilians for terrorism and crimes against the state was unconstitutional. The LAAF disregarded the ruling entirely. Human Rights Watch deputy director Bassam Khawaja described the trials as built on torture and secrecy, conducted in courts that Libya's own judiciary had declared illegitimate.
Due process was absent at every stage. Trials were held without notice to defendants or families. Journalists and human rights observers were barred. Defendants were denied counsel of their choosing, prevented from consulting lawyers privately, and apparently not permitted to present evidence or examine the case against them. No written judgments were issued. After the executions, authorities refused to return bodies to families, required relatives to identify the dead, then buried them without family present and warned against public mourning — practices that international law classifies as torture and cruel treatment of the survivors.
Libya remains split between the internationally recognized Government of National Unity in Tripoli and the LAAF in the east and south, with both operating under what Human Rights Watch describes as near-total impunity. The UN and the GNU condemned the executions, but enforcement has proven elusive. Human Rights Watch called on the foreign governments that fund, train, and legitimize the LAAF to use their leverage — publicly and privately — to halt all further executions, and urged Libyan authorities across both regions to end the trial of civilians in military courts and review all wrongful convictions. With at least 50 lives hanging in the balance, the question is whether that pressure will arrive in time.
Libya has carried out at least 31 executions since late August 2026—the first known capital punishments in the country in more than fifteen years. The Libyan Arab Armed Forces, the military organization led by General Khalifa Haftar that controls eastern and southern Libya, announced the first batch of ten executions by firing squad on August 23, following what Human Rights Watch describes as grossly unfair military trials. By September 10, documentation by international human rights groups had confirmed at least 31 people dead, with at least 50 more prisoners held at Gernada military prison facing imminent execution.
Many of those executed had been arrested in Derna and Benghazi during or immediately after the armed conflict between the LAAF and opposing armed groups that lasted from 2014 to 2018. Between 2018 and 2021, military courts in eastern Libya convicted hundreds of civilians in closed proceedings, sentencing at least 22 to death. According to Amnesty International, many of these convictions rested on confessions that human rights organizations say were extracted through torture by the Internal Security Agency, an armed group affiliated with the LAAF. The timing of the recent executions is particularly striking: at least two people whose death sentences had been reduced to life imprisonment on appeal by a higher military court in 2019 were put to death this year anyway.
The executions proceeded despite a constitutional obstacle that should have stopped them. In November 2025, the constitutional chamber of Libya's Supreme Court ruled that Law No. 4/2017 is unconstitutional to the extent that it allows military courts to try civilians for terrorism and crimes against the state. The LAAF disregarded this ruling and carried out the executions regardless. Bassam Khawaja, deputy Middle East and North Africa director at Human Rights Watch, characterized the trials as built on a foundation of torture and secrecy: "The Libyan Arab Armed Forces are putting people to death after secret trials built on confessions allegedly extracted through torture, in courts that Libya's own Supreme Court has said should not be trying civilians."
The trials themselves violated fundamental due process protections at every stage. They were held in secret and without advance notice to defendants or their families. Journalists, human rights organizations, and the families of the accused were barred from attending. Several defendants were prevented from choosing their own lawyers, and those who had retained counsel were denied visits before and during trial and could not speak with their attorneys in private. Defendants apparently were not permitted to present their cases in court or to examine the evidence against them. When verdicts were announced, the defendants and their lawyers received no written or reasoned judgments explaining the convictions.
The aftermath extended the violations beyond the courtroom. Families were not told in advance that executions would take place. After the killings, authorities refused to return the bodies to relatives, asked family members to identify the dead, then buried them without the families present and warned relatives against holding funerals. Human Rights Watch notes that these practices—secret executions and the denial of a final visit—violate international law by inflicting severe mental suffering on both the executed and their relatives, constituting torture and ill-treatment under international standards.
Libya remains fractured between two competing authorities. The Tripoli-based Government of National Unity, which holds international recognition, controls the western part of the country alongside affiliated security agencies and armed groups. The LAAF and its allied forces control the east and south. Both operate with what Human Rights Watch describes as near-total impunity. The United Nations and the GNU condemned the executions, but enforcement has proven difficult. The organization emphasized that governments funding, training, and legitimizing the LAAF possess real leverage and bear responsibility to use it—both publicly and privately—to compel LAAF leaders to halt all executions.
The broader context reveals a justice system in collapse. Libya's justice sector is fragmented and deeply polarized. Unaccountable militias control prisons that exist only nominally under state ministries. Human Rights Watch has previously documented outdated and repressive legislation, the absence of fair trial protections, and widespread due process violations across both the east and west. The organization called on Libyan authorities in both regions to restrict military courts to military offenses committed by military personnel and to cease trying civilians in military courts altogether. It also urged a prompt review of all cases involving civilians wrongfully detained and prosecuted before military courts, with remedies including release, transfer to civilian courts, or retrial in accordance with international fair trial standards.
The immediate crisis is the fifty or more prisoners at Gernada military prison awaiting execution. Khawaja framed the stakes plainly: "Libya went more than 15 years without an execution, and the LAAF has shattered that moratorium in a matter of weeks. The lives of at least 50 more people now depend on whether Haftar's forces, and the governments that back them, choose to stop this." The question now is whether international pressure on the LAAF's foreign supporters will prove sufficient to prevent the next wave of killings.
Notable Quotes
The Libyan Arab Armed Forces are putting people to death after secret trials built on confessions allegedly extracted through torture, in courts that Libya's own Supreme Court has said should not be trying civilians.— Bassam Khawaja, deputy Middle East and North Africa director at Human Rights Watch
Libya went more than 15 years without an execution, and the LAAF has shattered that moratorium in a matter of weeks. The lives of at least 50 more people now depend on whether Haftar's forces, and the governments that back them, choose to stop this.— Bassam Khawaja, Human Rights Watch