Kushner-Netanyahu talks stall as Israel's security minister calls for escalated Gaza killings

Israeli minister's call for nightly targeted killings of Palestinians in Gaza raises genocide concerns; ongoing military occupation affects 60% of the enclave's civilian population.
There are people there who are not worthy of life. They shouldn't live.
Israeli National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir calling for nightly targeted killings of Palestinians in Gaza.
Mark

Why does Ben-Gvir's statement matter so much if he's not the prime minister?

Mimi

Because he's inside the government. He's not a fringe voice—he's the national security minister. When he says things like that in public, it signals what's possible within the coalition, what Netanyahu might tolerate. It also gets used as evidence at the International Court of Justice.

Mark

So Kushner's meeting with Netanyahu is happening in the shadow of this?

Mimi

Exactly. Kushner is trying to negotiate a reconstruction plan, trying to build something. And at the same time, one of Netanyahu's own ministers is calling for nightly killings. It's hard to build consensus when that's the noise in the room.

Mark

What about the Iran-Oman deal? Is that a separate problem?

Mimi

It's a different problem, but it's connected. Trump wants control of the Strait of Hormuz. Iran and Oman are negotiating how ships move through it without US involvement. Trump sees that as a threat, so he threatens to bomb Oman. Meanwhile, he's also saying he's talking to the Iranian Revolutionary Guard through a back-channel. It's contradictory.

Mark

Is any of this actually going to resolve?

Mimi

The working groups in Jerusalem might produce something on paper. But Netanyahu has said Israeli troops won't leave until Hamas is completely disarmed, and Hamas isn't going to disarm while Israeli troops are there. That's the core problem. On the Strait of Hormuz, Iran and Oman seem to be moving forward without waiting for the US. Trump's threats might slow things down, but they don't seem to be stopping the talks.

Mark

What's Netanyahu's actual position here?

Mimi

He rejected Trump's proposal earlier this month. He wants to keep Israeli forces in Gaza until complete disarmament happens. He's also facing an election in October and he's behind in the polls. That makes him less flexible, not more. He can't afford to look weak to his right flank, especially with Ben-Gvir in the coalition.

Mark

So the reconstruction plan is dead?

Mimi

Not dead, but it's not moving. The working groups give the appearance of progress. But the fundamental disagreements—when Israeli troops leave, how Hamas disarms, what happens to the weapons—those are still there. Kushner's "more robust than ever" comment about Iran talks suggests he's trying to keep multiple channels open, but none of them seem to be closing the distance between the parties.

  • A Gaza reconstruction plan backed by the United States has effectively collapsed before it began, with Netanyahu rejecting a troop-withdrawal framework that Hamas had already accepted.
  • Israeli National Security Minister Ben-Gvir publicly called for killing 30 to 40 Palestinians every night, declaring some 'not even people' — remarks now submitted to the UN's International Court of Justice as evidence of genocidal intent.
  • Kushner's mission to Jerusalem was undercut in real time by his own host government, as one of Netanyahu's coalition partners openly advocated mass killings while diplomats worked to project progress.
  • Iran and Oman are quietly finalizing a maritime agreement on Strait of Hormuz transit routes, a deal taking shape entirely outside US-Iran diplomatic channels as a 60-day negotiating window expired without result.
  • Trump threatened to bomb Oman if it interfered with American interests in the strait, even as he claimed the waterway was under US control and described back-channel talks with Iran's Revolutionary Guard as ongoing.
  • Netanyahu, facing a general election in October and trailing in some polls, has little political space to compromise — making the working groups established in Jerusalem more likely to produce paperwork than peace.

In Jerusalem, Jared Kushner met with Prime Minister Netanyahu to breathe life into a Gaza reconstruction plan that has yet to leave the ground, while the broader region churned with competing negotiations and escalating rhetoric. The encounter produced working groups and optimistic language, but the essential questions — who disarms, when, and under whose watch — remain unanswered. Into this fragile diplomatic moment stepped an Israeli minister calling openly for mass nightly killings of Palestinians, words now placed before the International Court of Justice as evidence of genocidal intent. The world finds itself watching several negotiations at once, each one stalled, each one shadowed by the possibility that the next provocation will make resolution impossible.

On Monday in Jerusalem, Jared Kushner sat down with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to discuss Gaza's reconstruction — a plan that has, by all accounts, gone nowhere. Both sides described the meeting warmly: Netanyahu's office called it "deep and constructive," and two working groups were announced, one focused on disarmament and demilitarization, another on sanitation and public health. But the optimism was choreographed. The core impasse remains unchanged: how to get Hamas to surrender its weapons, and when Israeli forces would leave. Netanyahu has refused to withdraw until full disarmament is complete. Trump's earlier proposal — a gradual handover to an international stabilization force alongside a new Palestinian police — was accepted by Hamas and rejected by Netanyahu. Israeli troops currently hold roughly 60 percent of the enclave.

The diplomatic effort was further complicated by remarks made days before Kushner's arrival. Itamar Ben-Gvir, Israel's national security minister and a far-right member of Netanyahu's coalition, called in a podcast interview for "targeted killings" of Palestinians in Gaza — specifically, he said, thirty or forty people every night. He was not speaking only of militants. "There are people there who are not worthy of life," he said. "They're not even people." The statements have since been submitted to the International Court of Justice as evidence of genocidal intent. Iran's deputy foreign minister condemned the remarks on social media, calling for them to be preserved for future prosecution. Israel denies that its conduct in Gaza constitutes genocide.

Elsewhere in the region, a quieter negotiation was advancing. Iran announced it was finalizing a joint statement with Oman on managing ship traffic through the Strait of Hormuz, the critical waterway Iran had effectively closed when the broader Middle East war began in late February. An understanding on transit routes had reportedly been reached, with vessels entering near Iranian waters and exiting near Oman's, with no fees expected. The talks were proceeding independently of US-Iran diplomacy — a 60-day negotiating window between Washington and Tehran expired this week with no extension and no agreement.

Trump's response to the Iran-Oman arrangement was characteristically direct: he told reporters that if Oman interfered with American interests in the strait, "we'll bomb the s*** out of them." He has claimed the strait is under US control and said he intends to declare it US territory. Kushner, speaking to Fox News after his Jerusalem meeting, said talks with parts of the Iranian government had been "more robust than ever" — while acknowledging no deal had been reached. A senior Iranian official told Reuters that Tehran would shift from a defensive to a "fully offensive" posture if diplomacy failed.

What Monday revealed was a landscape of parallel negotiations, each fragile and each pulling against the others. Kushner was trying to construct a Gaza framework that neither party fully accepts. Iran and Oman were building a maritime arrangement the United States sees as a threat. And Netanyahu, facing a general election on October 27 with polls showing him trailing centrist challenger Gadi Eisenkot, had little room to offer concessions. The working groups may yet produce documents. But the distance between the parties — and the words being spoken in public — suggested that documents alone would not be enough.

In Jerusalem on Monday, Jared Kushner sat down with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to discuss a reconstruction plan for Gaza that has, by all accounts, gone nowhere. The meeting itself was framed as productive—Netanyahu's office called it "deep and constructive," and a Board of Peace official described it as "lengthy, in depth and very productive." Two working groups were established: one to handle disarmament and demilitarization of Gaza before any rebuilding could begin, another to address sanitation and public health. But the choreography of optimism could not mask the fundamental impasse underneath.

The sticking point remains what it has always been: how to get Hamas to surrender its weapons, when that surrender would happen, and what happens to those weapons afterward. Netanyahu has made clear that Israeli forces will not leave Gaza until Hamas and other armed groups are completely disarmed. Trump's proposal, which Netanyahu rejected earlier this month, would have seen Israeli troops gradually replaced by an International Stabilization Force working alongside a new Palestinian police force. Hamas said it agreed to the plan. Netanyahu did not. Israeli troops currently occupy roughly 60 percent of the enclave.

The timing of Kushner's visit was shadowed by remarks made days earlier by Itamar Ben-Gvir, Israel's national security minister and a far-right hardliner from the "Jewish Power" party. In a podcast interview that went live Saturday evening, Ben-Gvir called for "targeted killings" of Palestinians in Gaza—specifically, he said, "30, 40 people every night." He was not limiting this to members of militant groups. "There are people there who are not worthy of life," he said. "They shouldn't live. They're not even people." Ben-Gvir is part of Netanyahu's government, though he has said he disagrees with the prime minister's post-war plans for Gaza. The remarks have been presented to the UN's International Court of Justice as evidence of genocidal intent. Israel denies that its actions in Gaza constitute genocide.

Iran's deputy foreign minister condemned the comments on social media, writing that Ben-Gvir's statements about expelling Palestinians and settlement construction "must be recorded and preserved for the day of reckoning and for the trial of these criminals." The international response underscored how fragile the diplomatic moment had become—Kushner was in Jerusalem trying to build consensus on reconstruction while one of Netanyahu's own ministers was publicly calling for mass killings.

Meanwhile, a separate negotiation was unfolding in the Persian Gulf. Iran said it was finalizing a joint statement with Oman on how to manage ship traffic through the Strait of Hormuz, the critical waterway that Iran had effectively closed at the start of the Middle East war on February 28. According to Iran's foreign ministry spokesman, an understanding had been reached on transit routes—ships would apparently enter closer to Iran and exit closer to Oman, with no fees or tolls expected. The talks had progressed slowly, but both sides seemed intent on reaching a deal.

This separate Iran-Oman arrangement was happening as a 60-day negotiating period between the United States and Iran expired with no extension announced and no agreement reached. Trump had reportedly told reporters that Washington was not seeking an extension of the Memorandum of Understanding. Yet Kushner, speaking to Fox News after his meeting with Netanyahu, said talks with parts of the Iranian government had been "more robust than ever," though he acknowledged no agreement had been reached to end the war. A senior Iranian official, meanwhile, told Reuters that Tehran would shift its policy from defensive to "fully offensive" if diplomacy failed.

Trump himself had made his position on the Strait of Hormuz unmistakable. He told Fox News that if Oman got in the way of US attempts to secure a deal on the waterway, "we'll bomb the s*** out of them." He has repeatedly insisted that the strait is under US control despite traffic remaining restricted, and on Friday he had claimed he would declare it part of US territory. Trump also said his administration was in direct communication with Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps through a back-channel, describing them as "good poker players" but saying they were "dying" and should "put up the white flag and surrender."

The picture that emerged from Monday's developments was one of multiple negotiations happening in parallel, each stalled or fragile. Kushner and Netanyahu were trying to build a framework for Gaza that neither side fully accepted. Iran and Oman were working on a maritime agreement that the United States viewed as a threat to its interests. And Trump was threatening military action against a country trying to broker peace. Netanyahu, facing an October 27 general election with some polls putting him behind centrist challenger Gadi Eisenkot, had little political room to compromise. The working groups established in Jerusalem might produce documents, but the distance between the parties suggested that documents alone would not be enough.

I think that targeted killings should be carried out in Gaza, removing 30, 40 people every night. Not just those who pose an immediate threat; there are people there who are not worthy of life.
— Israeli National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir
If Oman gets in the way, we'll bomb the s*** out of them.
— US President Donald Trump, regarding Iran-Oman negotiations on the Strait of Hormuz
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