Kushner meets Netanyahu as Trump's Gaza peace plan faces Israeli resistance

More than 1,200 people killed since ceasefire began; 73,000+ total deaths in Gaza war including 21,280 children; 1.9 million displaced (90% of population).
A ceasefire that was not really a ceasefire
More than 1,200 people have been killed since the October ceasefire began, with Israeli airstrikes continuing nearly daily.
Mark

Why does Netanyahu's rejection matter so much if the ceasefire is technically still in place?

Mimi

Because a ceasefire without a path forward is just a pause. The killing hasn't stopped—over 1,200 dead since October. Netanyahu is saying he won't even discuss withdrawal until Hamas disarms completely, but that's a condition Israel gets to define and verify. It's a way of saying no without saying no.

Mark

And the hardliners in his own cabinet—are they actually a constraint on him, or do they reflect what he wants anyway?

Mimi

They're a real constraint, but they're also useful. Ben Gvir's comments about "targeted assassinations" and people not being worthy of life—those are extreme even by Israeli standards. But they give Netanyahu cover to reject the plan. He can say his coalition won't let him compromise, when really he's choosing not to.

Mark

What does Kushner actually have to offer Netanyahu that would change his mind?

Mimi

That's the puzzle. Trump is the one thing that might move Netanyahu, but Trump created the Board of Peace and backed this plan. If Netanyahu defies it, he's defying Trump. But Netanyahu has an election in October. Domestic politics might matter more to him right now than the US relationship.

Mark

The eight Muslim countries condemning Israel—does that pressure actually do anything?

Mimi

It signals that the region sees Israel as the obstacle, not Hamas. But it doesn't change the military balance or the political calculus in Jerusalem. It's diplomatic noise unless there's real leverage behind it.

Mark

What happens if these talks fail?

Mimi

The ceasefire probably holds technically, but the strikes continue. Gaza stays displaced, traumatized, and unstable. And you've got a situation where the US peace plan is dead before it started, which is a significant diplomatic failure for Trump.

  • A ceasefire that has claimed over 1,200 lives since it began is the fragile ground on which Kushner is attempting to build something lasting.
  • Netanyahu's flat rejection of the US-backed plan — insisting Hamas must fully disarm before any Israeli withdrawal — has placed America's closest regional ally in direct opposition to its closest global patron.
  • Inside Israel's coalition, far-right ministers are not merely skeptical of peace; one has publicly called for nightly targeted killings and described Palestinians in terms that drew international condemnation.
  • Eight Muslim-majority nations issued a joint rebuke of Israel's rejection, signaling that the diplomatic cost of inaction is beginning to accumulate beyond Washington's orbit.
  • Hamas participated in the Egypt talks and is calling on mediators to compel Israeli compliance — an unusual posture that reflects both engagement and the limits of its own leverage.
  • Israeli airstrikes have resumed in Khan Younis and Nuseirat even as negotiations continue, making the gap between the plan on paper and the reality on the ground feel almost unbridgeable.

In the long and fractured history of Middle East peacemaking, Jared Kushner arrived in Israel this week carrying a proposal already wounded — rejected by Netanyahu before the ink of diplomacy had dried. The encounter between American ambition and Israeli political reality unfolded against a backdrop of more than 73,000 dead, 1.9 million displaced, and a ceasefire that exists more in name than in practice. What is being tested here is not merely a 15-point roadmap, but whether the architecture of international mediation can hold when the parties it seeks to reconcile are each, in their own way, unmoved.

Jared Kushner arrived in Israel on Monday carrying a peace proposal his father-in-law's administration had spent months assembling — and that the Israeli government had just rejected. He came directly from Egypt, where he had held rare talks with Hamas leader Khalil al-Hayya alongside former British Prime Minister Tony Blair and international envoy Nickolay Mladenov. The subject was disarmament and troop withdrawal. The destination was a meeting with Benjamin Netanyahu, and the task was salvage.

Trump's 15-point roadmap, unveiled last month through the Board of Peace — an international body the President had created and expanded — called for Hamas disarmament, Israeli withdrawal, and the rebuilding of Gaza under a new Palestinian civilian administration. Netanyahu rejected it outright, insisting that Israeli forces would not move until Hamas was genuinely disarmed. The rebuke was directed at Washington itself.

Netanyahu's resistance was not purely strategic. He faces an October election and a coalition that includes ministers demanding a harder line. National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir went further than rejection, calling the plan unacceptable and, in a podcast interview, suggesting nightly targeted assassinations of dozens of Palestinians — comments that drew widespread international condemnation and revealed the depth of internal opposition to any compromise.

The diplomatic picture was not entirely bleak. Eight Muslim-majority nations — Egypt, the UAE, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Turkey, Pakistan, and Indonesia — jointly condemned Israel's rejection and warned it threatened Trump's peace efforts. Hamas, meanwhile, called on mediators to compel Israeli approval, signaling at least a willingness to engage.

But the ground told a harder story. More than 1,200 people had been killed since the October ceasefire nominally began, including at least 300 children. Israeli airstrikes had continued nearly daily, pausing briefly after the plan's rejection — reportedly at American request — before resuming in Khan Younis and Nuseirat. The war itself, now entering its third year since the October 7, 2023 Hamas attacks, had killed more than 73,000 people in Gaza, including over 21,000 children, and displaced 90 percent of the territory's population.

Kushner's visit posed a question that no amount of diplomatic choreography could easily answer: whether international pressure could close a gap that seemed, with each passing day, to be widening rather than narrowing.

Jared Kushner landed in Israel on Monday carrying the weight of a peace proposal that his father-in-law's administration had spent months assembling—and that the Israeli government had just rejected. The US President's son-in-law and Middle East envoy had come fresh from rare talks in Egypt with Hamas's new leader, Khalil al-Hayya, where he and a delegation that included former British Prime Minister Tony Blair and Board of Peace envoy Nickolay Mladenov discussed the mechanics of disarmament and troop withdrawal. Now he would sit across from Benjamin Netanyahu and try to salvage a plan that seemed to be unraveling before it had begun.

Trump's 15-point roadmap, unveiled last month by the Board of Peace—an international organization the President had created and expanded from its original Gaza focus—called for the complete disarmament of Hamas and other armed groups, the withdrawal of Israeli forces, and the rebuilding of Gaza under a new Palestinian civilian administration. It was, on paper, a comprehensive vision. But Netanyahu had flatly rejected it last week, declaring that Israel would not move troops until Hamas was genuinely disarmed, and that the Israeli Defense Forces would not implement any part of the plan without that precondition met first. The statement was a direct rebuke to the United States, Israel's closest ally.

Netanyahu's position was not merely strategic stubbornness. He faced an October election and a coalition government that included ministers pushing for a harder line on Gaza. Itamar Ben Gvir, the far-right National Security Minister, had gone further than rejection—he had called the plan "not acceptable" and, in a podcast interview that aired on August 15, suggested that Israel should conduct "targeted assassinations" of 30 to 40 people nightly, describing some Palestinians as "not worthy of life" and "not even people." The comments, reported across international media, signaled the depth of internal Israeli opposition to any withdrawal or restraint.

The diplomatic effort was not without momentum. Eight Muslim-majority nations—Egypt, the UAE, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Turkey, Pakistan, and Indonesia—had issued a joint statement condemning Israel's rejection and warning that it threatened Trump's peace efforts. The ceasefire that had technically been in place since October 10 of the previous year remained nominally intact. But the reality on the ground told a different story. More than 1,200 people had been killed since that ceasefire began, according to figures from Gaza's Health Ministry that the UN considered reliable. At least 300 of those killed were children, according to UNICEF. Israeli airstrikes had continued nearly daily, pausing briefly after Israel's rejection of the plan—reportedly at American request—before resuming. On Sunday, the Israeli military had struck targets in Khan Younis and Nuseirat, with local medics reporting injuries among people sheltering in tent camps.

The broader context made Monday's meetings feel almost surreal. The war itself had begun on October 7, 2023, when Hamas-led attackers killed roughly 1,200 people in southern Israel and took 251 hostages. Israel's response had been a military campaign in Gaza that, by the territory's own health ministry count, had killed more than 73,000 people, including 21,280 children. The UN estimated that approximately 1.9 million people—90 percent of Gaza's entire population—had been displaced since the war started. This was the landscape Kushner was navigating: a ceasefire that was not really a ceasefire, a peace plan that had been rejected before serious implementation could begin, and a political situation in Israel where the government faced pressure from within to reject any compromise at all.

Hamas, for its part, had called on mediators and the Board of Peace to "compel" Israel to approve the roadmap. The organization had participated in the Egypt talks, signaling at least a willingness to engage. But skepticism ran deep on the Israeli side. Many Israelis doubted that Hamas was genuinely ready to disarm, and Netanyahu's coalition gave him little room to move. The question hanging over Kushner's visit was whether any amount of diplomatic pressure or international mediation could bridge a gap that seemed to be widening rather than closing. The ceasefire held in name only. The killing continued. And the plan that was supposed to end it all faced resistance from the very government it was designed to help.

Israel rejects the Board of Peace's 15-point document on Gaza. The IDF will not carry out any withdrawal until Hamas is genuinely disarmed.
— Benjamin Netanyahu
Hamas called on mediators and the Board of Peace to compel Israel to approve the roadmap for the next steps.
— Hamas statement
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