Kosovo erupts over war crimes court as protesters clash with police

At least 17 people injured including six police officers; three protesters detained during clashes in Pristina.
The battle over how to prosecute that history was far from over.
Kosovo's government remained divided on whether to limit the powers of its war crimes court.
Mark

Why did people take to the streets over a court case that happened weeks earlier?

Mimi

Because the verdict felt like a judgment on the entire independence struggle. Thaci was a commander, a symbol. When the court convicted him, it wasn't abstract—it was saying the people who led Kosovo's fight committed crimes.

Luke

But the court was established to do exactly that. Kosovo agreed to it in 2015. So what changed?

Mimi

The convictions made it real. Before, it was theoretical. Now actual sentences were being handed down to actual heroes.

Mark

And the amendments—what would they actually accomplish?

Mimi

They'd neuter the court. Shorter sentences, appeals to Kosovo's courts instead of accepting the international verdict, amnesty powers for the president. It's a way to undo what the court has done.

Luke

Did the government support this?

Mimi

The prime minister said the amendments were rushed and poorly thought through. His party voted yes on the first reading but wouldn't support the second vote.

Mark

So he was hedging.

Mimi

Exactly. He didn't want to kill the amendments outright, but he also didn't want to own them.

Luke

And the protesters—were they organized, or was this spontaneous anger?

Mimi

The source doesn't say. We know they blocked lawmakers from leaving and demanded a second vote, which suggests some coordination. But whether this was orchestrated by a party or a genuine grassroots eruption, we don't know.

Mark

What happens next?

Mimi

The second vote is still uncertain. The amendments have momentum but also real opposition. The court's authority hangs in the balance.

  • Tear gas and water cannons met stones and firecrackers outside Kosovo's parliament as protesters demanded an immediate vote on amendments that would blunt the war crimes court's authority.
  • The proposed changes — a 15-year sentence cap, domestic appeals, and presidential amnesty — would fundamentally undermine convictions already handed down, including Thaci's 25-year sentence.
  • Demonstrators physically blocked lawmakers from leaving the chamber, pressing for a second vote that would make the amendments law on the very same day.
  • Prime Minister Kurti called the legislation rushed and ill-considered, yet his party had already voted yes on the first reading — a contradiction that exposed fractures within the governing coalition.
  • When the second vote arrived, Kurti's coalition withheld support, leaving the amendments in limbo and the crowd outside without the victory they had come to demand.
  • With seventeen injured, three detained, and the vote unresolved, Kosovo's parliament remains a fault line between accountability and the protection of those many citizens still call heroes.

Weeks after a war crimes court in The Hague sentenced Kosovo's former president Hashim Thaci to twenty-five years, the streets of Pristina became a mirror of the nation's unresolved grief and pride. Demonstrators clashed with police outside parliament as lawmakers debated amendments that would soften the court's reach — capping sentences, allowing appeals, and opening the door to presidential amnesty. The violence, which left seventeen injured, was not merely about legislation; it was about who gets to define a liberation struggle and whether its fighters can also be its criminals. Kosovo's reckoning with its own war remains a wound that law alone cannot close.

On a Monday afternoon in Pristina, the streets outside Kosovo's parliament turned volatile. Protesters threw stones and firecrackers at riot police, who responded with tear gas and water cannons. Seventeen people were injured, six of them officers, and three demonstrators were detained. The trigger was a set of proposed amendments that had just passed their first parliamentary reading — changes designed to limit the power of the Kosovo war crimes court operating in The Hague.

The context was raw. Weeks earlier, the court had convicted former President Hashim Thaci of war crimes including murder and torture, sentencing him to twenty-five years. Three co-defendants received sentences totaling eighty-one years combined. For many Kosovars, these men were not criminals but commanders of the Kosovo Liberation Army — heroes of the 1998-99 war against Serbia. The verdicts felt, to them, like a foreign tribunal punishing a national liberation.

The proposed amendments gave shape to that anger: a 15-year cap on sentences, the right to appeal to Kosovo's own Supreme Court, the option to serve time domestically, and presidential power to grant amnesty. Taken together, they would hollow out what the court's convictions actually mean.

When lawmakers tried to leave the chamber after the first vote, demonstrators blocked their path, demanding an immediate second reading. Prime Minister Kurti called the amendments hasty and under-analyzed — yet his party had voted for the first reading. When the second vote came, his coalition stepped back, unwilling to hand the Democratic Party of Kosovo, Thaci's former party, a legislative win.

The Specialist Chambers had operated for a decade with broad authority and little domestic interference. That era now appeared to be ending. As the tear gas dissipated and the second vote remained unresolved, what lingered was a deeper question Kosovo has never fully answered: how a nation honors its fighters while also holding them to account.

On a Monday afternoon in central Pristina, the streets outside Kosovo's parliament and government buildings became a battleground. Demonstrators hurled stones and firecrackers at police guarding the entrances while officers responded with tear gas and water cannons, leaving at least seventeen people injured—six of them police—and three protesters in custody. The clash erupted over a piece of legislation that had just cleared its first parliamentary hurdle: a set of amendments designed to strip power from the Kosovo war crimes court operating in The Hague.

The timing was no accident. Weeks earlier, that same court had convicted Hashim Thaci, Kosovo's former president, of war crimes including murder, torture, and illegal detention. Thaci received a twenty-five-year sentence. Three co-defendants were convicted alongside him, their combined sentences totaling eighty-one years. All four have appealed. For many Kosovars, Thaci and the other defendants were not criminals but fighters—commanders of the Kosovo Liberation Army during the 1998-99 war against Serbia—and the court's verdicts felt like a betrayal of the nation's own struggle for independence.

The proposed amendments reflected this anger. If passed, they would cap prison sentences at fifteen years instead of allowing longer terms, permit defendants to appeal verdicts to Kosovo's own Supreme Court rather than accepting the international court's finality, allow sentences to be served within Kosovo rather than abroad, and grant Kosovo's president the power to offer amnesty to the convicted. These changes would fundamentally reshape how the court operates and what its convictions mean.

Parliament had approved the first reading of the amendments earlier that day. But when lawmakers attempted to leave the chamber, demonstrators blocked their exit, demanding an immediate second vote—the step required to actually pass the legislation. The confrontation that followed was visceral: police in riot gear, crowds throwing projectiles, chemical agents filling the air. Three people were detained as the standoff unfolded.

Prime Minister Albin Kurti, whose government holds significant parliamentary power, offered a cautious response. He told parliament that the amendments felt rushed and poorly considered, lacking the depth of analysis such consequential changes deserved. Despite this skepticism, Kurti's party had voted yes on the first reading. But when the second vote came—or was supposed to come—Kurti and his coalition declined to support it. The amendments had been introduced by the Democratic Party of Kosovo, the party Thaci once led, and Kurti appeared unwilling to hand them a legislative victory on the same day.

The Specialist Chambers itself was established in 2015, created under international pressure to prosecute ethnic Albanian KLA fighters for alleged crimes during and after the war. For a decade, the court operated with broad authority and little domestic political interference. Now that authority was under siege. The clash outside parliament revealed the depth of the divide: between those who saw the court as essential accountability and those who saw it as a foreign instrument punishing national heroes. It also exposed fractures within Kosovo's own government, where even allies disagreed on how far to go in limiting the court's reach.

As the tear gas cleared and the injured were treated, the second vote remained uncertain. The amendments had momentum but also resistance. What was clear was that Kosovo's reckoning with its own war—and with the people who fought it—remained unresolved, and the battle over how to prosecute that history was far from over.

We consider these moves to amend the law on the Specialist Chambers rushed and insufficiently analysed and thought through.
— Prime Minister Albin Kurti
Contattaci Domande frequenti