Jamaica's Beach Access Crisis: Communities Fight 'Plantation Tourism' Model

Communities have been violently displaced from beaches through armed security and concrete barriers, with gunshots fired to disperse protests against privatization.
When you cut us off from the sea, you are setting us up to starve.
Devon Taylor explains why beach access is not a luxury but a matter of survival for Jamaican coastal communities.

Five beaches across Jamaica are subject to court cases as communities fight privatization that restricts access to spaces vital for fishing, food, and cultural practices. Activists frame beach privatization as 'plantation tourism'—a colonial legacy where wealth benefits foreign investors and elites while ordinary Jamaicans are excluded from their own coastlines.

  • Five Jamaican beaches are subject to court cases over privatization and access restrictions
  • The 1956 Beach Control Act, a colonial law, remains the legal framework enabling government to grant exclusive beach access to developers
  • In 2019, armed security locked communities out of Mammee Bay; gunshots were fired to disperse protests when locals reoccupied the beach
  • The Blue Lagoon in Portland was closed in 2022 with a promise to reopen in 90 days; authorities instead permanently sealed public access roads for private villa development

Jamaican activists are challenging the privatization of public beaches through court cases, arguing the all-inclusive tourism model exploits locals while denying them access to ancestral coastal lands.

Devon Taylor grew up fetching seawater in bottles for his grandmother, learning to swim in the shallows of Mammee Bay, watching fishers cast their nets along the St Ann shoreline. The beach was a commons—children played there after school, vendors carved souvenirs under almond trees, locals haggled over the daily catch. It was a place that sustained people across generations. "That beach raised us. It fed us," he says now.

Today, Mammee Bay is walled off. In 2019, when investors began building all-inclusive luxury hotels, the community was locked out by fences and armed security—both state and private guards. Locals tore down the fence and reoccupied the beach in protest. When they returned after Covid restrictions lifted, they found concrete walls. What followed, Taylor says, was violent displacement. Gunshots were fired to scatter the protesters. For the people fighting to stay, it was not a matter of nostalgia or recreation. It was survival. "When you cut us off from the sea," Taylor explains, "you are actually setting us up to starve."

Mammee Bay is not alone. Across Jamaica, five beaches are now the subject of court cases: Little Dunn's River and the Blue Lagoon in the north, Bob Marley beach in St Andrews, Flankers and Providence beach in Montego Bay. Each has been seized or restricted by developers building private resorts and villas. Each case tells a story of communities denied access to spaces that hold economic, social, and spiritual weight. Taylor, an immunologist with a PhD in biochemistry, founded the Jamaica Beach Birthright Environmental Movement to fight what he and other activists call "plantation tourism"—a model that mirrors the colonial extraction of the past. "It has all the characteristics of a plantation," Taylor says. "Exploitation of a poorly treated labour force, and wealth that either does not stay in our country or is only in the hands of the elite."

The legal architecture enabling this dispossession reaches back to independence. When Jamaica gained sovereignty in 1962, the British handed over crown lands to the state. But the 1956 Beach Control Act remained on the books—a colonial law that gave the government ownership of the foreshore and seabed, requiring permission for any use or development. Successive administrations have used this framework to grant developers exclusive access while locking out locals. In Portland, the Blue Lagoon—a 55-metre-deep pool ringed by lush vegetation, its waters shifting between turquoise and sapphire depending on the light—was closed in 2022 with a promise to reopen in 90 days with improved facilities. Instead, authorities permanently sealed the public access roads to make way for private villas. Wilbourn Carr, 73, has swum in the lagoon since he was 14. "This space is not just for recreation, food and vending," he says. "It is also where our elderly come for the healing properties of the mineral spring from the mountain that feeds the lagoon."

In Flankers, campaigners have filed an injunction to block construction in the sea. Olando Brown, a local activist, frames the fight in terms of inheritance and dignity. "Our foreparents shed blood for this land. We shouldn't be forced to fight for what is already ours." For fisher folk, the beaches are not amenities—they are livelihoods. For families without money for expensive holidays, they are the only way to access Jamaica's natural resources without financial strain. Monique Christie, Jabbem's community coordinator for western Jamaica, describes the simple mathematics of survival: "You can pack some food, freeze some juice, walk to the beach and enjoy some of the natural resources of your country without it being a massive expense for the family."

The government's response has been measured but, activists argue, insufficient. Environment Minister Matthew Samuda points to new beach parks built in Montego Bay and planned for St James, and to requirements that developers carve out "corridors to the sea" on public land. He also notes Jamaica's geography—rocky coastlines, wetlands, biodiversity reserves that limit accessible beaches. In March, Prime Minister Andrew Holness proposed a modernized beach access and management policy. But Damion Coombs, Jabbem's director of community engagement, sees the language of compromise as a trap. The policy still allows "qualified rights," meaning authorities can restrict entry and charge fees. "What we are fighting for," Coombs says, "is free, legal, unfettered, forever rights."

Activists also worry about the National Reconstruction and Resilience Authority Act, passed in March to fast-track post-hurricane rebuilding. They argue it weakens the Prescription Act, which protects the legal right to land or pathways used publicly for at least 20 years. Taylor sees the concentration of power in the prime minister's office as a threat to their cases. Samuda defends the act as necessary for urgent reconstruction, insisting oversight remains intact. The first trial is scheduled for later this month. What unfolds in court will shape whether Jamaica's beaches remain commons or become the exclusive preserve of those who can afford to stay in the resorts that line them.

That beach raised us. It fed us.
— Devon Taylor, founder of Jamaica Beach Birthright Environmental Movement
What we are fighting for is free, legal, unfettered, forever rights.
— Damion Coombs, Jabbem director of community engagement
The Hearth Conversation Another angle on the story
Inventor

Why does beach access matter so much here? It's not like people can't swim elsewhere.

Model

Because these aren't just swimming spots. They're where fishers work, where families without money can eat fresh food, where mineral springs heal the elderly. The beach is infrastructure for survival, not recreation.

Inventor

But the government says it's building new public beach parks. Isn't that a solution?

Model

Only if you ignore what's being taken away. A park built three towns over doesn't replace a beach your family has used for generations. And the new policy still lets authorities charge fees and restrict entry. That's not access—that's permission.

Inventor

The minister mentioned Jamaica doesn't have much coastline. Is that a real constraint?

Model

It's real, but it's also convenient. Yes, there are rocky areas and wetlands. But the solution isn't to hand the accessible beaches to developers. It's to protect them as commons.

Inventor

What does "plantation tourism" actually mean to you?

Model

It means the same people who were enslaved are now locked out of their own land so foreigners can profit from it. The wealth leaves the country or stays with the elite. The labor is exploited. The structure is identical—just updated for the 21st century.

Inventor

Do both political parties bear responsibility?

Model

Yes. Jabbem has been clear about this. Both the ruling party and the opposition created this crisis. That's why the movement isn't partisan. It's about reclaiming what belongs to everyone.

Inventor

What happens if they lose in court?

Model

Then the concrete walls stay. The beaches become private. And a way of life—fishing, gathering, healing, gathering as community—disappears. That's what they're fighting to prevent.

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