At the margins of the United Nations General Assembly, Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian extended a cautious hand across a chasm of broken promises, proposing to reopen the Strait of Hormuz within seven days and restart nuclear talks with Washington. The offer carries the weight of a relationship defined by sanctions, strikes, and shattered agreements — a history Pezeshkian named plainly as the reason trust between the two nations has all but dissolved. Whether this moment becomes an opening or another closed door depends on whether the Trump administration chooses diplomacy over a harder li
Iran's Pezeshkian Proposes Strait of Hormuz Reopening, Cites 'Atmosphere of Distrust' With U.S.
Every day, they increase sanctions. Every day, they threaten us. Every day, they strike us.
So Pezeshkian is saying Iran will reopen the Strait of Hormuz in seven days if the U.S. accepts their proposal. That's a pretty concrete offer. Why wouldn't Trump jump at that?
Because there's a history here. Pezeshkian listed it: the U.S. has imposed sanctions during negotiations, made threats, carried out strikes. From his perspective, American promises aren't worth the paper they're written on. He's not being rhetorical—he's being cautious.
But we should be clear about what "accept the proposal" actually means. The U.S. wants Iran not to control those waterways or charge tolls. Iran wants ships to seek permission and follow Iranian routes. Those are fundamentally different positions. Saying "if you accept our proposal" doesn't mean the hard part goes away.
Right, so the Strait of Hormuz is the opening move, not the whole negotiation.
Exactly. It's meant to buy time and rebuild some trust. The real fight is over uranium enrichment. Trump wants Iran to stop entirely. The old deal let them enrich at low levels with limits and inspections.
And on that point, Pezeshkian said Iran will allow U.N. inspectors in. But Brennan pushed back—inspectors weren't given full access before. His answer was basically "yes, we'll allow inspections as part of negotiations." That's not quite the same as saying inspectors can go anywhere, anytime.
So there's still room for disagreement on what "access" means.
Exactly. And on the nuclear weapon question, he's saying it's forbidden under Islamic law. But Iran has enriched uranium to near weapons-grade levels. So the question isn't really whether Iran wants a bomb today—it's whether they're keeping the option open.
That's the gap. He says they're not building one and won't build one for religious reasons. But he's not saying they'll give up enrichment entirely, which is what Trump wants. Those are two different things.
What about this new supreme leader, Mojtaba Khamenei? Pezeshkian says he's healthy, they've met twice. Is that credible?
Pezeshkian is a physician, so when he says Khamenei is healthy, he's putting his professional reputation on it. But Khamenei hasn't been seen in public since his father was killed. That's unusual for a supreme leader.
And Pezeshkian said they met for over seven hours and had to change positions because they weren't used to sitting that long. That's an oddly specific detail. It could be true, or it could be a way of explaining why there are no photos. We don't actually know Khamenei's condition from independent sources.
So the real test is whether Trump responds to this proposal at all.
Yes. Pezeshkian said if the message reaches Trump or his team, "naturally the process will begin from the very day they accept it." He's waiting for an answer.
And Trump said he has a "big decision" to make—deal or annihilation. That's not the language of someone leaning toward negotiation. The midterms comment is also telling. He predicted no deal before then. So we're probably looking at months of this staying frozen.
El Pulso
- A collapsed July ceasefire — undone by Iranian strikes on commercial shipping and American military retaliation — left the Strait of Hormuz a live flashpoint and nuclear talks in ruins.
- Iran's foreign minister placed a ticking offer on the table at the U.N.: reopen the strait within seven days and resume negotiations, with no American response yet received.
- Pezeshkian catalogued years of U.S. sanctions, threats, and strikes to explain why Iran doubts Washington will honor any written agreement, even as he kept the door ajar.
- Iran signaled a meaningful concession — U.N. nuclear inspectors, previously denied full access, would now be allowed in as part of broader negotiated terms.
- Trump's own General Assembly speech framed his choice as a deal or annihilation, with the president predicting no agreement before the midterms — leaving the proposal suspended in uncertainty.
At the margins of the United Nations General Assembly, Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian extended a cautious hand across a chasm of broken promises, proposing to reopen the Strait of Hormuz within seven days and restart nuclear talks with Washington. The offer carries the weight of a relationship defined by sanctions, strikes, and shattered agreements — a history Pezeshkian named plainly as the reason trust between the two nations has all but dissolved. Whether this moment becomes an opening or another closed door depends on whether the Trump administration chooses diplomacy over a harder line, a choice that will ripple far beyond the narrow waters of the Persian Gulf.
Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian sat down with CBS News to explain why a meeting with President Trump in New York had not happened — and why the answer was not simply scheduling. The obstacle, he said, was an "atmosphere of distrust" built up over years of broken commitments: sanctions imposed even during negotiations, military threats, direct strikes on Iranian targets. "Every day, they increase the sanctions against us. Every day, they threaten us. Every day, they strike us," he said, questioning why Iran should believe the U.S. would honor anything agreed to in talks when it had not honored what it put in writing.
Yet Pezeshkian was not simply closing the door. His foreign minister had just announced at the United Nations General Assembly that Iran would reopen the Strait of Hormuz — through which roughly a third of the world's seaborne oil passes — within seven days, and restart nuclear negotiations as a first step toward a final deal. The offer was waiting for an American response that had not yet come.
The proposal rose from the wreckage of a 60-day ceasefire that collapsed in July after Iran targeted commercial shipping and the U.S. responded with military strikes. The underlying dispute remains: Washington insists Iran cannot control the waterways or charge tolls for passage; Tehran demands ships seek permission and follow Iranian-approved routes. Pezeshkian suggested that if the U.S. returned to the original framework, Iran would abide by it.
On the nuclear question, Pezeshkian offered a measured opening — U.N. inspectors, previously denied full access, would now be permitted entry, with weapons inspections negotiable as part of broader talks. He maintained Iran's long-standing position that developing nuclear weapons is forbidden under Islamic law, even as the country has enriched uranium to near weapons-grade levels in recent years.
Pezeshkian also addressed the status of new Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei, who has not appeared publicly since an Israeli-American attack killed his father earlier in the year. Speaking as a physician, Pezeshkian said Khamenei has no ongoing health issues and that injuries have healed; the two had met twice, once for more than seven hours, with decisions flowing through a six-member team drawn from security, parliament, and government.
The Iranian president's message was layered — a concrete proposal, a conditional willingness to negotiate, and a wariness earned through repeated disappointment. Trump had said he faced a "big decision" between a deal and annihilation, predicting no agreement before the midterms. Whether the Strait of Hormuz reopens or remains a flashpoint now rests on whether Washington chooses to answer.
Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian sat down with CBS News on Friday to explain why he would not have met with President Trump in New York that week, despite the American leader's stated openness to such a conversation. The answer, Pezeshkian said, came down to a fundamental problem: an "atmosphere of distrust" that has calcified between the two countries over years of broken commitments and escalating hostility.
The Iranian president, who is also a trained physician, had concrete reasons for his skepticism. He recited a catalog of American actions—sanctions imposed even during negotiations, threats of military force, direct strikes on Iranian targets—and asked a question that cut to the heart of the impasse: if the U.S. will not honor what it puts in writing, why should Iran believe it will honor anything agreed to in talks? "Every day, they increase the sanctions against us. Every day, they threaten us. Every day, they strike us," he said. "And they don't honor what they have put in writing."
Yet Pezeshkian was not simply closing the door. His foreign minister had just announced a concrete proposal during the United Nations General Assembly: Iran would reopen the Strait of Hormuz—a critical waterway through which roughly a third of the world's seaborne oil passes—within seven days, and restart nuclear negotiations with the United States as a first step toward a final deal. The offer sat on the table, awaiting an American response that had not yet come.
The proposal emerged from the wreckage of a ceasefire agreement that had collapsed in July. That 60-day memorandum of understanding was meant to create space for serious negotiations on Iran's nuclear program, but it fell apart after Iran targeted commercial shipping vessels and the U.S. responded with military strikes. The core dispute remains unresolved: the U.S. insists Iran must not control the waterways entering the Strait of Hormuz or charge tolls for passage, while Iran demands that ships seek permission and follow Iranian-approved routes. Pezeshkian suggested that if the U.S. would operate within the framework of the original agreement, Iran would abide by it.
On the nuclear question itself, Pezeshkian offered a measured opening. He said Iran would now allow United Nations nuclear inspectors into the country—a significant statement, given that the International Atomic Energy Agency had previously been denied full access. When pressed on whether weapons inspectors would be permitted, he affirmed the same commitment, adding that inspections could be negotiated as part of broader talks. At the same time, he maintained Iran's long-standing position that developing nuclear weapons is forbidden under Islamic law, and that even if some Iranians wanted to pursue such a path, "religiously speaking, they are not allowed to pursue that path." Iran has enriched uranium to near weapons-grade levels in recent years but denies any intention to build a bomb.
Pezeshkian also addressed questions about his communications with Mojtaba Khamenei, Iran's new supreme leader, who has not appeared in public since an Israeli-American attack earlier in the year killed his father, the previous supreme leader. Pezeshkian, speaking as a physician, insisted that Khamenei has "no specific ongoing health issues or challenges" and that injuries to his face and legs have healed. They had met twice, he said, once for more than seven hours. When asked whether Khamenei was directly advising him on diplomatic matters, Pezeshkian explained that decisions flow through a team of six members drawn from security forces, parliament, and government agencies.
The Iranian president's message was layered: a proposal on the table, a willingness to negotiate under certain conditions, but also a deep wariness born of repeated disappointments. Trump had said during his General Assembly speech that he faced a "big decision"—whether to cut a deal with Iran or "annihilate" the country—and predicted no agreement would come before the midterms. Pezeshkian's appearance suggested Iran was testing whether the Trump administration would engage seriously or pursue a harder line on uranium enrichment than the Obama-era nuclear deal had allowed. The answer would determine whether the Strait of Hormuz reopened or remained a flashpoint in an unresolved conflict.
Citas Notables
As long as they don't cease doing what they're imposing on us every day, it's difficult to trust them.— Masoud Pezeshkian, Iranian President
If they operate according to that framework, I think all of us will abide by it.— Masoud Pezeshkian, on the original U.S.-Iran agreement governing the Strait of Hormuz