Iran's Middle Class Slides Into Poverty as War Intensifies Economic Crisis

Approximately 3.5-4.5 million Iranians have fallen into poverty since conflict intensified; total poverty population exceeds 40 million, with middle-class families losing financial security and cutting essential spending on food, healthcare, and education.
We only hope we can afford next month's rent
A housewife in Iran describes how her family has stopped planning for the future and focuses only on immediate survival.
Mark

Why does the war matter more than the sanctions that were already in place?

Mimi

Because war is sudden. Sanctions squeeze slowly. War breaks things immediately—ports, roads, confidence. It turns an existing wound into an open one.

Mark

But Mina's problem isn't really about the war, is it? It's about inflation. Those are two different things.

Mimi

They are, but they're tangled now. The war didn't cause the inflation, but it accelerated it. It made people expect prices to keep rising, so they stop spending, which changes how businesses operate, which makes inflation worse. The war is the shock that turned a chronic problem into an acute one.

Mark

If oil prices are higher globally, why isn't Iran benefiting?

Mimi

Because Iran can't sell the oil. Sanctions and export restrictions mean the higher prices don't translate into higher revenues. It's like owning something valuable but having no one allowed to buy it from you.

Mark

What's the difference between what's happening to Mina and what's happening to Morteza?

Mimi

Mina is watching her purchasing power disappear. Morteza is watching his business model disappear. She's trying to survive month to month. He's trying to figure out if there's a future to plan for at all. Both are trapped by uncertainty, but they're trapped in different ways.

Mark

Can the government fix this?

Mimi

Not quickly, and not alone. Alavi is clear: subsidies and price controls are band-aids. You need sanctions lifted, confidence restored, structural problems solved. That's political, not just economic. It takes time that people like Mina don't have.

Mark

So what happens next?

Mimi

If nothing changes, more people fall into poverty. More businesses close. Living standards keep falling. The uncertainty itself becomes the biggest problem—people stop investing, stop spending, stop believing in tomorrow. That's when an economic crisis becomes a social one.

  • Food prices have surged so violently — bread up 140%, edible oils up 200% — that families are cutting protein from their diets and deferring medical care simply to keep a roof overhead.
  • Between 3.5 and 4.5 million Iranians have crossed into poverty since the conflict intensified, swelling a poverty population that now exceeds 40 million and includes salaried workers and pensioners who once felt secure.
  • Regional supply chains have reorganized around Iran rather than through it, with China rerouting trade via Central Asian rail, leaving Iranian merchants facing a collapsing rial and customers who can no longer afford to buy.
  • Government subsidies and price controls are being deployed, but economists warn these are surface treatments on structural wounds that only sanctions relief and exchange rate stabilization could begin to heal.
  • Uncertainty has become its own economic force — businesses are freezing investment and households are bracing for worse, meaning the psychological damage of the crisis now compounds the material damage.

In Tehran and across Iran, a middle class that once measured its security in modest comforts now measures it in whether rent can be paid and bread can be bought. A war that arrived atop decades of sanctions, currency decay, and chronic deficits has not created Iran's economic unraveling so much as it has accelerated it beyond recovery's reach — the IMF projects a 5.4 percent contraction and 69 percent inflation, while an estimated 40 million people now live below the poverty line. What is unfolding is not merely an economic statistic but a civilizational contraction: the slow erasure of a generation's financial security, one skipped meal and postponed doctor's visit at a time.

Mina no longer buys red meat. Chicken has become a luxury. Since the war began, her household calculus has narrowed to rent and food — nothing more. Her story is not exceptional; it is the story of millions.

The International Monetary Fund projects Iran's economy will shrink by 5.4 percent this year while inflation approaches 69 percent. Economist Ahmad Alavi, based in Sweden, is careful to note that the war did not originate Iran's crisis — inflation was already above 40 percent, the currency was deteriorating, sanctions had long constrained the economy — but the conflict functioned as a shock that shattered what remained. Infrastructure damage, disruptions to shipping through the Strait of Hormuz, and spiraling inflation expectations have hollowed out purchasing power. Food prices tell the story most starkly: bread and cereals up 140 percent, meat up 135 percent, edible oils up more than 200 percent. These figures explain why families stop buying protein, why medical appointments go unmade, why saving has become impossible.

Alavi estimates that 3.5 to 4.5 million Iranians have fallen into poverty since the conflict intensified, bringing the total below the poverty line to more than 40 million. The middle class — salaried workers, pensioners, families that once felt stable — has not been spared. Many have crossed the poverty threshold for the first time simply because wages cannot keep pace with prices.

For traders like Morteza, the disruption has been structural. Regional supply chains reorganized almost overnight, with China filling gaps through Central Asian rail routes. But Iranian merchants gained nothing from this shift. The rial's collapse and relentless inflation have prevented markets from growing, and exchange rates change so frequently that goods bought at one price must be replaced at a far higher cost. 'With tensions continuing,' Morteza says, 'I honestly don't see a clear future for doing business in Iran.'

The government has responded with subsidies, price controls, and currency interventions, but Alavi regards these as short-term measures applied to long-term structural failures. Even elevated global oil prices offer little relief while sanctions and export restrictions cap Iran's revenues. Without restored confidence, sanctions relief, and exchange rate stability, recovery remains out of reach — and uncertainty itself has become one of the largest obstacles, freezing investment and pushing households into ever-greater caution.

Mina has stopped thinking about next year. 'We only hope we can afford next month's rent,' she says. For tens of millions of Iranians, hope has contracted to the immediate and the essential.

Mina no longer buys red meat. Chicken has become a luxury she can barely afford. Since the war began last year, she tells herself that survival means rent and food—nothing else. The dinner table in her Tehran home has become a map of what her family can no longer have.

She is not alone. Across Iran, millions of middle-class families are experiencing the same contraction, the same daily arithmetic of loss. The International Monetary Fund projects the Iranian economy will shrink by 5.4 percent this year while inflation approaches 69 percent. The World Bank warns that the conflict, combined with weakened trade and prolonged uncertainty, is crushing the country's economic foundation. What began as a pre-existing crisis—inflation already above 40 percent, a deteriorating currency, chronic budget deficits, years of sanctions—has been violently accelerated by war.

Ahmad Alavi, an economist based in Sweden, distinguishes between cause and catalyst. The war did not create Iran's economic collapse, he explains, but it functioned as a shock that shattered what remained. Infrastructure damage, disruption of shipping through the Strait of Hormuz, internet shutdowns, and spiraling inflation expectations have combined to hollow out purchasing power. Official figures show annual inflation at 66 percent, with year-over-year inflation climbing toward 88 percent. Food prices have risen faster still: bread and cereals up 140 percent, meat and poultry up 135 percent, dairy products up 116 percent, edible oils up more than 200 percent. These are not abstract percentages. They are the reason families stop buying protein. They are why medical treatment gets postponed. They are why saving money becomes impossible.

Alavi estimates that between 3.5 and 4.5 million Iranians have fallen into poverty since the conflict intensified, bringing the total number living below the poverty line to more than 40 million. Lower-income households have suffered most acutely, but the middle class—salaried workers, pensioners, families that once felt secure—is now experiencing the same pressures. Many have crossed the poverty line for the first time because their incomes have simply failed to keep pace with inflation.

The private sector is being squeezed from a different angle. Morteza, an Iranian trader, watched regional supply chains reorganize almost overnight. China moved quickly to fill gaps left by suppliers in Dubai, using rail links across Central Asia to avoid the risks and delays of maritime transport through contested waters. But this shift has brought Iranian merchants no relief. The collapse of the rial and soaring inflation have prevented markets from growing. Exchange rates change almost daily. Goods purchased at one price must be replaced at a much higher cost—if customers still have the purchasing power to buy them at all. For Morteza, uncertainty has become the primary obstacle to business. "With tensions continuing, I honestly don't see a clear future for doing business in Iran," he says.

The government has deployed subsidies, price controls, and foreign exchange interventions to ease immediate pressure. But Alavi argues these are short-term responses to structural problems that run much deeper. Even higher global oil prices offer little benefit because sanctions, export restrictions, and elevated transport costs continue to limit Iran's oil revenues. Without restored confidence, sanctions relief, and solutions to underlying economic problems, these measures will not address the fundamental crisis.

Uncertainty itself has become one of the largest barriers to recovery. Businesses delay investment because they have no confidence in future conditions. Households become increasingly cautious about spending, expecting prices to rise further and their incomes to fall. Rebuilding confidence among investors, businesses, and consumers will take far longer than repairing physical infrastructure. Unless inflation eases, the exchange rate stabilizes, and trade conditions improve, many households will remain under financial pressure even if military tensions subside. Alavi expects living standards to deteriorate further if current trends continue. More families will cut spending on protein, healthcare, and education. Business closures and unemployment may rise.

Mina has stopped thinking about the future. "We only hope we can afford next month's rent," she says. For millions of Iranians, hope has narrowed to the immediate and the essential.

Since the war started last year, we have become poorer every day. I honestly can't remember the last time I bought red meat.
— Mina, housewife in Iran
The war acted as an external shock. Damage to infrastructure, disruption of trade through the Strait of Hormuz, internet shutdowns and rising inflation expectations accelerated the collapse in purchasing power.
— Ahmad Alavi, economist
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