At one of the world's most consequential chokepoints, the Strait of Hormuz, the ancient contest between sovereignty and commerce is playing out in real time. Iran and Oman edge toward a framework that might reopen the waterway, even as a new trilateral defense pact among Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey reshapes the region's security geometry. The human cost accumulates quietly — in Marib, in the West Bank, in Lebanese border towns — while tankers wait at anchor and the global oil market holds its breath. History rarely resolves such moments cleanly; it tends instead to layer new arrangement
Iran, Gulf Powers Negotiate Strait of Hormuz Deal Amid Regional Realignment
Only four vessels moved through the Strait of Hormuz on Thursday.
Why does control of the Strait of Hormuz matter so much that both sides are willing to risk everything over it?
Because twenty percent of the world's oil flows through it. If Iran can credibly threaten to close it, or tax it, or make it dangerous, it has leverage over every economy that depends on that oil. Right now, shipping is down seventy percent. That's not just a number—that's refineries in Asia wondering if they'll have enough crude next month.
But Iran seems to be negotiating in good faith with Oman. Why would they also be preparing for attacks?
Because negotiating and preparing for conflict aren't contradictory in this region. Iran wants a deal that acknowledges its power. The Trump administration wants a deal that erases it. Both sides are signaling what they'll do if the other doesn't move. The attacks Saudi Arabia is warning about—those are part of the negotiation, in a way.
The new defense pact between Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey—is that a response to Iran, or to Israel?
It's a response to both, but mainly to the fear that Israel is becoming integrated into Gulf security in ways that threaten everyone else. The Abraham Accords started as bilateral normalization. Now it looks like it could reshape the entire region's alignment. That terrifies countries that aren't part of it yet.
What happens if the Strait of Hormuz stays closed?
Oil prices spike. Economies slow. Companies that depend on just-in-time shipping start failing. The longer it stays closed, the more pressure builds on whoever is seen as responsible. That's why both sides are negotiating—they know the cost of failure is too high.
Is there any chance this actually resolves peacefully?
There's a framework on the table. Oman is mediating. But every day brings new warnings of attacks, new arrests, new settler violence in the West Bank. The diplomatic track exists, but so does the military one. Right now they're running parallel.
El Pulso
- Shipping through the Strait of Hormuz has collapsed from fifty vessels a week to four in a single day, threatening 20% of the world's oil supply and sending discount crude to market with no takers.
- Iran and Oman are close to a framework agreement, but Washington's refusal to accept Iranian control and Tehran's insistence on changed terms leave the deal suspended between diplomacy and deadlock.
- Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey have forged a collective defense pact — a direct counter to fears that Abraham Accords expansion will draw Israel deeper into Gulf security arrangements.
- Saudi Arabia warns of imminent coordinated strikes on civilian infrastructure by Iran-backed Iraqi militias from the north and Houthis from the south, with the IRGC allegedly supervising both.
- Civilians are already paying: two killed and fourteen wounded in Marib, over seventy Palestinians arrested and fifty injured in West Bank operations, and a Lebanese soldier struck near the southern border.
- Russia's Putin joins the diplomatic circuit through a call with UAE leadership, a reminder that the Gulf crisis is now threaded into the wider fabric of great-power competition.
At one of the world's most consequential chokepoints, the Strait of Hormuz, the ancient contest between sovereignty and commerce is playing out in real time. Iran and Oman edge toward a framework that might reopen the waterway, even as a new trilateral defense pact among Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey reshapes the region's security geometry. The human cost accumulates quietly — in Marib, in the West Bank, in Lebanese border towns — while tankers wait at anchor and the global oil market holds its breath. History rarely resolves such moments cleanly; it tends instead to layer new arrangements over unresolved grievances.
Four ships moved through the Strait of Hormuz on a Thursday in early August. A week before, fifty had made the same passage. That collapse in traffic captures the region's condition: diplomats negotiating, militaries posturing, and the world's oil supply suspended between them.
Iran and Oman are close to a framework that would reopen the strait without tolls — a significant concession from Tehran, which has insisted on some form of control since the conflict began in late February. Iran's Deputy Foreign Minister signaled openness to renewed regional dialogue, and the Iranian Parliament's National Security Commission confirmed broad agreement on a framework, though final approval from the Supreme National Security Council is still pending.
The negotiations, however, sit atop deeper fault lines. Washington will not accept any arrangement granting Iran permanent leverage over the waterway. Tehran insists the strait will not simply return to its pre-war openness. Caught between these positions, shipping companies remain paralyzed — Chinese and Indian refiners are seeking Iraqi crude at steep discounts, but no charters have been finalized.
Beyond the strait, a new security architecture is forming. Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey have signed a collective defense agreement, treating an attack on one as an attack on all. The pact is partly a reaction to American pressure on Riyadh to join the Abraham Accords, with analysts noting that fears of deeper Israeli integration into Gulf security have accelerated coordination among the three nations. Iran's Parliament dismissed the agreement as hollow, while Saudi Arabia simultaneously warned of imminent coordinated strikes on civilian infrastructure by Iran-backed Iraqi militias and Houthi forces — operations allegedly supervised by the IRGC.
The human cost is already accumulating. Houthi attacks on Marib killed at least two civilians and wounded fourteen. In the West Bank, Israeli settlers attacked the Bedouin community of Kaabneh for the third consecutive day, while a two-day military operation in Qalandiya and Kafr Aqab left more than fifty Palestinians injured and over seventy arrested. A Lebanese soldier was slightly wounded when an Israeli strike hit an army bulldozer in the south.
Russia, too, is present: Putin spoke with UAE President Mohamed bin Zayed about both the Gulf situation and Ukraine, a conversation that underscores how thoroughly Middle Eastern tensions have become entangled with great-power rivalry. The region is attempting to negotiate and prepare for conflict simultaneously — and the global economy, like the tankers waiting at anchor, is watching for clarity that may not arrive soon.
The Persian Gulf is narrowing. On a Thursday in early August, only four vessels moved through the Strait of Hormuz—a very large crude carrier hauling two million barrels of Iraqi oil, two ships carrying liquefied petroleum gas, and a minor bulk carrier. A week earlier, fifty ships had passed through the same waterway. The collapse in traffic reflects a region in flux: diplomats are negotiating, militaries are posturing, and the world's oil supply hangs in the balance.
Iran and Oman are close to a framework agreement that would reopen the strait, one of the planet's most critical chokepoints. Under the reported terms, ships would transit without paying tolls—a crucial concession from Tehran, which has insisted on maintaining some form of control over the waterway since the conflict began in late February. Iran's Deputy Foreign Minister Kazem Gharibabadi told state media that regional security should be managed by Gulf countries themselves, without outside interference, and that conditions now favor renewed dialogue with neighboring states. The Iranian Parliament's National Security Commission spokesman confirmed that Tehran and Oman had agreed on the broad framework, though final approval from Iran's Supreme National Security Council remains pending.
Yet the negotiations mask deeper anxieties. The Trump administration has made clear it will not accept any arrangement that gives Iran a permanent grip on the strait or allows Tehran to charge fees. Iran, meanwhile, insists the waterway will not return to its pre-war openness—a position backed by its demonstrated ability to strike vessels with drones and missiles despite thousands of American strikes. Shipping companies are caught between these positions. Chinese and Indian refiners are seeking tankers to load Iraqi crude at steep discounts, nearly thirty dollars per barrel below market price, but shipowners remain reluctant to send vessels through waters they consider hostile. No charters have been finalized.
Beyond the strait, a new regional architecture is taking shape. Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey have signed a joint defense agreement treating an attack on any one nation as an attack on all three. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan framed it as a pact based on collective deterrence, open to other nations seeking regional peace. But the agreement is partly a response to American pressure on Saudi Arabia to join the Abraham Accords—the normalization framework with Israel that has alarmed other regional powers. Analysts say fears of further Israeli integration into the Gulf security order have prompted closer coordination among the three signatories, with plans for joint defense industry projects, intelligence sharing, and counterterrorism operations.
Iran's Parliament criticized the pact as ineffective, with lawmaker Ebrahim Rezaei arguing it would not bring security to Riyadh. Meanwhile, Saudi Arabia itself is bracing for what it describes as imminent coordinated attacks. A senior Saudi official told Reuters that intelligence assessments point to planned strikes by Iran-backed Iraqi militias from the north and Yemen's Houthi movement from the south, potentially targeting civilian infrastructure including energy facilities, ports, and airports. The official alleged the operations would be supervised by Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, though Iran, the Houthis, and Iraqi armed groups offered no immediate response.
The human toll is already visible. Houthi attacks on the Yemeni city of Marib killed at least two civilians and injured fourteen others, with casualty figures potentially rising. In the occupied West Bank, Israeli settlers attacked the Bedouin community of Kaabneh for the third time in as many days, entering homes with livestock and prompting arrests. Over the past three months, such incidents have accelerated sharply. During a two-day Israeli military operation in the Qalandiya refugee camp and nearby Kafr Aqab, more than fifty Palestinians were injured and over seventy arrested; Israeli forces demolished shops and vandalized dozens of homes. A Lebanese soldier was slightly wounded when an Israeli strike hit an army bulldozer clearing roads in the southern town of al-Mansouri.
Russia, too, is engaged. President Vladimir Putin spoke with UAE President Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan about the Gulf situation and the war in Ukraine, with Putin thanking the Emirates for facilitating prisoner exchanges. The conversation underscores how Middle Eastern tensions now intersect with broader great-power competition.
What emerges is a region attempting simultaneous acts: negotiating openness while preparing for conflict, building new alliances while managing old rivalries, and watching as shipping traffic—and the global economy it represents—waits for clarity that may not come soon.
Citas Notables
Regional security should be managed by countries in the Gulf without outside intervention, and conditions appear favorable for resuming security dialogue with neighboring states.— Iran's Deputy Foreign Minister Kazem Gharibabadi
The pact is based on the principle of collective deterrence and is designed to deepen security and defense cooperation among the three countries.— Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan