Across the Gulf states, tens of millions of migrant workers — the invisible architects of modern Arab prosperity — now find themselves caught between two slow catastrophes: the missiles of a widening Iran-Israel war and the poverty that awaits them if they go home. At least twenty-four have already died, and the remittances they send back sustain entire national economies from Bangladesh to Nepal. Their predicament is not new, but the war has stripped away whatever thin margin of safety they once had, leaving them to weigh survival against survival.
Iran conflict traps migrant workers in impossible choice between danger and poverty
We are the collateral damage of this war
So the basic situation is that migrant workers in the Gulf face this impossible choice—stay and risk missile strikes, or go home to countries where prices have skyrocketed because of the war itself?
Exactly. And it's not really a choice at all for most of them. The wages in the Gulf are five, ten, sometimes twenty times what they could earn at home. For countries like Nepal, remittances make up nearly ten percent of GDP. These aren't luxuries—they're how families eat, how kids go to school.
But we should be clear about what we actually know versus what we're inferring. We know at least twenty-four workers were killed. We know prices have spiked. But the source doesn't give us hard numbers on how many workers have actually left, or how many are staying despite the danger. That's important.
What about the employers? Are they taking responsibility for any of this?
The reporting suggests the opposite. The labor coalition warned that some employers are using the conflict as cover to withhold wages, deny leave, or fire people arbitrarily. Work permits are often tied to a single employer, so workers can't just leave and find another job.
Again, though—"some employers" and "warned that" are important qualifiers. We don't have a systematic accounting of how widespread wage theft or dismissals actually are. We have anecdotes and advocacy group warnings, which matter, but they're not the same as confirmed data.
What struck me most was the personal stories—Mamun dying from burns, the widow not knowing what to do next. Is that representative of what's happening, or are those just the most dramatic cases?
Both, probably. Mamun's death is real and documented. But there are millions of workers in similar situations—living far from their families, sending money home, now caught between danger and destitution. The stories are individual, but the trap is systemic.
The reporting does show that clearly. Low-wage workers doing the most dangerous jobs are the most vulnerable. Workers from Bangladesh and Pakistan are especially at risk because they're often employed informally. That's structural, not anecdotal.
So what happens next? Does the ceasefire hold?
That's the open question. Negotiations have stalled repeatedly. Iran has blocked the Strait of Hormuz and says it won't reopen it unless the war ends and the U.S. lifts its blockade. Trump has rejected Iran's demands. So the conflict could resume at any time.
And if it does, the reporting suggests these workers will be even more exposed—already traumatized, already depleted, already trapped in the same impossible choice.
Il Polso
- At least twenty-four foreign workers have been killed in missile strikes across Gulf states, with many more injured, stranded, or sheltering in ordinary rooms because proper bomb shelters were never built for them.
- The conflict has severed income streams that entire families and national economies depend on — remittances representing up to ten percent of GDP for countries like Nepal are now endangered by war, price spikes, and collapsing Gulf commerce.
- Workers face a structural trap: permits tied to single employers, informal contracts, and the threat of wage theft or arbitrary dismissal leave them with almost no leverage to leave safely or stay securely.
- A fragile ceasefire is fraying, Iran's blockade of the Strait of Hormuz is choking Gulf exports, and stalled negotiations mean the danger is neither resolved nor retreating — only deepening.
- Caught between destitution at home and death abroad, workers like a Bangladeshi factory hand earning under four hundred dollars a month continue twelve-hour shifts under missile alerts, because the arithmetic of poverty leaves no other answer.
Across the Gulf states, tens of millions of migrant workers — the invisible architects of modern Arab prosperity — now find themselves caught between two slow catastrophes: the missiles of a widening Iran-Israel war and the poverty that awaits them if they go home. At least twenty-four have already died, and the remittances they send back sustain entire national economies from Bangladesh to Nepal. Their predicament is not new, but the war has stripped away whatever thin margin of safety they once had, leaving them to weigh survival against survival.
Mohammad Abdullah Al Mamun had spent fifteen years in Saudi Arabia, separated from his family by the economics of survival. He had met his son only once. This year was meant to be the last — he had saved enough to build a larger house in Bangladesh and finally come home for good. On March 8, a missile struck his workers' camp. He died weeks later from his burns, returning to his family in a coffin.
He was one of at least twenty-four foreign workers killed since the United States and Israel went to war with Iran in February. The conflict has sharpened a brutal calculus that tens of millions of migrant laborers already knew: Gulf wages are far higher than anything available at home, but protections are thin and danger is real. These workers built the oil facilities, construction sites, and infrastructure of the Gulf Arab states — yet many do not share in the prosperity they created. Now they are trapped between two forms of ruin.
The economic stakes extend far beyond individual families. Remittances from Gulf workers represent roughly one percent of India's GDP, three to five percent for Bangladesh, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka, and nearly ten percent for Nepal. Those transfers are no longer supplemental income — they are survival. The war has driven up fuel and fertilizer prices across Asia, straining household budgets and government reserves simultaneously.
A twenty-seven-year-old Bangladeshi factory worker in Qatar earns under four hundred dollars a month, sends two-thirds of it home, and shelters during missile alerts in a designated room — not a proper bunker. "We have no choice but to keep working," he said. Ahmed al-Aliyli, an Egyptian taxi driver in Qatar, has sent nothing home in two months as war disrupted travel and cut his income to a third of what it once was. "We are the collateral damage of this war," he said.
The structural vulnerabilities predate the conflict. Work permits tied to single employers leave workers stranded if they try to leave. Informal contracts offer no protection against wage theft or arbitrary dismissal — practices some employers have already begun using the war as cover to pursue. The Coalition for Labor Justice for Migrants in the Gulf confirmed that few workers had access to proper shelters, and eight mariners were killed at sea.
Not everyone wants to leave. Marlene Flores, a Filipina worker in Qatar, flinches at each interception but values the tax-free pay and health insurance enough to stay — especially as the Philippines faces its own energy emergency. Jeremiah Supan, a Filipino caregiver in Israel, continues tending to two elderly patients through near-daily missile alerts, knowing his family could not survive on what he would earn at home. "What life shall we return to?" he asked.
Mamun's mother had begged him to come home when the war began. In his last call, he promised to fund his siblings' education, finish the house, return that spring. His family is now trying to recover his unpaid wages and rebuild without him. The choice he made — to stay, to work, to die far from home — is the same choice millions are making every day, understanding that either path carries its own form of loss.
Mohammad Abdullah Al Mamun had spent fifteen years in Saudi Arabia, most of it away from his son. They had met once—a few days together in a life otherwise measured in phone calls and wire transfers. This year was supposed to be different. He had saved enough to build a larger house back in Bangladesh, enough to finally stay home. On March 8, a missile struck his workers' camp. He died from severe burns weeks later, arriving home in a coffin instead of the man his family had been waiting for.
He was one of at least twenty-four foreign workers killed across the Middle East after the United States and Israel went to war with Iran in February. The conflict has exposed a brutal arithmetic that millions of migrant laborers face every day: the wages in the Gulf are far higher than anything available at home, but the danger is real and the protections are thin. Tens of millions of foreign workers have built the modern economies of the Gulf Arab states—the oil facilities, the construction sites, the infrastructure that runs on their labor in scorching heat and long hours. Yet many do not fully share in the prosperity they have created. Now they are trapped between two forms of devastation: stay and risk their lives, or leave and watch their families sink deeper into poverty.
Mamun's widow, Sadia Islam Sarmin, was left with the question that haunts millions of other families: "We don't know what we will do next." The conflict has driven up prices for fuel, fertilizer, and basic goods across Asia. Remittances from Gulf workers represent about one percent of India's gross domestic product, three to five percent for Bangladesh, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka, and nearly ten percent for Nepal. Those money transfers are no longer luxuries—they are survival. Household incomes are strained. Governments are desperate for foreign currency to buy oil and gas. The money that workers send home has never been more vital, and never more threatened.
The workers most at risk are those doing what one labor advocate called the "most dirty, dangerous and difficult" jobs. A twenty-seven-year-old Bangladeshi factory worker in Qatar labors through twelve-hour shifts while missiles fly overhead. He earns less than four hundred dollars a month and sends two-thirds of it home. When alarms sound, workers go to a designated room—not a proper shelter, just a room. "We have no choice but to keep working," he said, speaking on condition of anonymity for fear of retaliation. The Coalition for Labor Justice for Migrants in the Gulf reported that few workers had access to bomb shelters and many were stranded by the conflict. Eight mariners were killed at sea. Three Indian workers were injured in the United Arab Emirates when an Iranian drone sparked a fire at an oil facility in early April, the first attack on the UAE since a fragile ceasefire took hold.
The ceasefire is fragile. Negotiations to end the war have repeatedly stalled. Iran has effectively blocked the Strait of Hormuz, a critical waterway for global oil and gas, and says it will only reopen it if the war ends and the United States lifts its blockade. The Gulf economies face a bleak outlook—exports bottled up, key energy facilities damaged, the fighting potentially resumable. Iran has rejected demands from President Donald Trump.
For workers, the choice between staying and leaving is not really a choice at all. Ahmed al-Aliyli, a taxi driver in Qatar, has not sent money home to his family in Egypt for two months. He once earned as much as three thousand dollars a month. Now his income has plunged to a third of that as the war has disrupted travel. "We are the collateral damage of this war," he said. A slowdown in construction and real estate will hit migrant workers directly. Workers from Bangladesh and Pakistan are especially vulnerable because they are often employed informally, without fixed contracts. Work permits are frequently tied to a single employer, leaving workers effectively stranded if they try to leave. Some employers have already begun using the conflict as cover to withhold wages, deny leave, or carry out arbitrary dismissals.
Marlene Flores, a Filipina worker in Qatar, feels the shudder each time a missile is intercepted. But the tax-free pay and health insurance make it feel safer, in a way, than the Philippines, which has declared a national energy emergency. "It's not easy for me to say," she admitted. "But I would really stay here." Jeremiah Supan, a Filipino caregiver in Israel, continues caring for two elderly charges despite near-daily missile alerts, sometimes dashing out for food or medicine despite the danger. He questions whether his own family could survive if he returns to the Philippines. "I know that in the blink of an eye, one can die," he said. "But what life shall we return to?"
Mamun's mother, Shahida Khatun, had urged her son to come home when the war began. In his last call, he promised to pay for his younger siblings' studies, to build a larger house, to return for good that spring. "The pain of losing a child," she said. "There are no words to describe the agony." Now his family is struggling to recover his wages and piece together a life without him. The choice that was made for Mamun—to stay, to work, to die far from home—is the same choice millions of others are making every day, knowing that either path leads to a form of loss.
Citazioni salienti
We don't know what we will do next— Sadia Islam Sarmin, widow of Mohammad Abdullah Al Mamun
We are the collateral damage of this war— Ahmed al-Aliyli, taxi driver in Qatar
I know that in the blink of an eye, one can die. But what life shall we return to?— Jeremiah Supan, Filipino caregiver in Israel