Inside Taliban rule: BBC gains rare access to Afghanistan's leaders five years after takeover

Women face systematic exclusion from education and employment; documented cases of domestic abuse with limited legal recourse; activists and journalists face detention and intimidation; three in four Afghans cannot meet basic needs.
They want uneducated women so they can't raise wise men.
A woman who protested the Taliban's return explains why she believes the group restricts female education.
Mark

Why does it matter that we see these moments—the governor dismissing the woman, the official's microphone being cut off?

Mimi

Because it shows the gap between what the Taliban say they are and what they actually do. They claim to be reasonable, but when someone speaks up, even gently, the system shuts them down. That's how power works when it's not accountable.

Mark

The governor seems almost sympathetic to the woman at first. Is he genuinely conflicted?

Mimi

Maybe. But sympathy without power to act—or willingness to act—is just performance. He tries to convince her to stay in an abusive marriage, then jokes with his men that women are deficient in intellect. That's not conflict. That's the mask slipping.

Mark

What struck you most about Badr, the former suicide attack coordinator?

Mimi

His refusal to reckon with what he did. He'll tell you he planned attacks, but the moment you ask about civilian deaths, he changes the subject. He's been given amnesty, a position of power, but he hasn't actually confronted the harm. That's a kind of erasure.

Mark

The spokesman says everything must be viewed through "the Sharia lens." Is that a legitimate framework, or is it just cover?

Mimi

It's both. Sharia is a real tradition with real scholars and real debate. But when one group claims sole authority to interpret it, and uses it to justify excluding half the population from education, it becomes a tool of control, not faith.

Mark

Why do you think Kandahar is becoming the de facto capital?

Mimi

Because that's where the Taliban's heart is. Kabul is the seat of government, but Kandahar is where the movement's most devoted followers are. The restrictions are tighter there. It's the Taliban's true stronghold.

Mark

What does the woman's hope—that restrictions won't last forever—rest on?

Mimi

On the fact that you can't suppress half a population indefinitely. Education, information, connection to the wider world—these things seep in. The Taliban know this. That's partly why they're so afraid of educated women.

  • Taliban officials who promised moderation in 2021 have instead tightened restrictions year by year — banning girls from secondary school, silencing women's voices on radio, and mandating beards in their southern heartland.
  • An 18-year-old woman pleading for divorce from an abusive husband is told by a governor that she is 'deficient in intellect' — a moment that crystallises how the legal system is structurally designed to deny women recourse.
  • A former suicide attack coordinator now runs the national prison system, and a governor who destroyed the Bamiyan Buddhas with his own hands expresses no regret — the past is not buried but promoted.
  • When a tribal elder dared to publicly request that girls' schools reopen, his microphone was removed mid-sentence — civil dissent is not debated but erased.
  • Three in four Afghans cannot meet basic needs, yet Taliban leadership frames poverty and instability as problems they are managing, while women and journalists describe a country where the Taliban itself is the central obstacle to any future.

Five years after reclaiming Afghanistan, the Taliban govern a nation reshaped by their interpretation of sacred law — yet the distance between their public promises and daily realities reveals something older than politics: the tension between power and accountability, between the story rulers tell about themselves and the lives their subjects are forced to live. Senior officials who once coordinated suicide attacks and demolished ancient monuments now occupy ministerial offices, offering theological justifications for policies that have stripped women of education, employment, and legal standing. The BBC's rare two-year access to these figures does not expose a movement in transition so much as one settled, deliberately, into permanence.

Five years after sweeping back into power, the Taliban govern Afghanistan through a vision of Islamic law that has grown more rigid, not less, with time. The BBC spent two years gaining unusual access to senior figures — governors, spokesmen, former commanders — and what emerged was a portrait of men who present themselves as reasonable administrators while enforcing a system that has methodically excluded women from education, employment, and public life.

In a governor's office in northern Afghanistan, an 18-year-old woman sits behind a full-face veil, calmly arguing for divorce from a husband who has beaten her for months. Governor Abdullah Sarhadi — a former military commander once held at Guantanamo Bay, now returned to authority — tries to dissuade her, asking who would marry her afterward and warning she will lose her dignity. She replies that her dignity has already been destroyed. Later, surrounded by male officials, Sarhadi calls women 'mindless' and 'deficient in intellect' to laughter in the room. Under Taliban law, a woman seeking divorce without her husband's consent faces a system designed against her.

Sarhadi is not an outlier. Habibullah Badr, who once coordinated Taliban suicide attacks that killed thousands, now serves as deputy head of prisons for the entire country — running the very jail where he once awaited execution on death row. When pressed about civilian casualties, he grows evasive. At a ceremony honouring him, a tribal elder quietly asked that girls' schools be reopened, citing Islamic teaching that knowledge is an obligation for all. His microphone was removed before he could finish.

In Kabul's lavish press centre — built by Americans for the previous government — Taliban spokesman Zabihullah Mujahid, revealing his real name publicly for the first time, was asked why the Taliban broke their 2021 promise that women would be active in society. 'We are committed to women's rights within Sharia,' he said, arguing that women working in offices would 'lead to immoralities.' On girls' education, he said the matter remains 'under discussions.'

In Kandahar, the Taliban's southern heartland, music is banned from radio, women's voices cannot be broadcast, and beards are compulsory. The UN reports that three in four people in the surrounding region cannot meet basic needs. Former fighters showed journalists the cave networks where they once hid; one man pointed to an unmarked grave where his father is buried, and expressed quiet hope that Taliban leaders might one day bring water, roads, and clinics to the area.

Women who have lived through five years of Taliban rule speak of despair and defiance. One who protested in 2021 told the BBC she believes the Taliban restrict women because they fear what educated women would produce: 'They want uneducated women so they can't raise wise men. Because that would end the Taliban.' Journalists described routine summons by the intelligence service. Friends of women interviewed had been jailed for protesting. Five years on, the men in power say they are governing. For many Afghans, they are the problem.

Five years after sweeping back into power, the Taliban govern a country they have reshaped according to their interpretation of Islamic law—yet the men now running it seem caught between the image they want to project and the reality of what they have built. The BBC spent two years gaining unusual access to senior Taliban figures, watching them move through their days as administrators, military officers, and judges. What emerges is a portrait of contradiction: leaders who present themselves as reasonable while enforcing policies that have systematically excluded women from education, employment, and public life.

In a governor's office in northern Afghanistan, an 18-year-old woman sits behind a full-face veil and sunglasses, arguing her case for divorce. Her husband has beaten her for months. She speaks calmly and with conviction: "If there was any chance to live together, I wouldn't be here." Governor Abdullah Sarhadi, a grey-bearded former military commander, tries to dissuade her. He asks her who would marry her after a divorce, suggests she compromise, warns that she will lose her dignity. She responds that her dignity has already been destroyed. Later, in a room full of male officials and bodyguards, Sarhadi remarks that women are "mindless" and "deficient in intellect"—drawing laughter from the men around him. Under Taliban law, a woman seeking divorce without her husband's consent faces nearly impossible odds. Her family will have to pursue the case through the courts, knowing the system is stacked against them.

Sarhadi himself embodies the Taliban's continuity across decades. He was a military commander in the 1990s, when the Taliban controlled Afghanistan and destroyed the ancient Buddha statues in Bamiyan. He was captured when the US-led coalition ousted the group in 2001, held for years at Guantanamo Bay, then released. When the Taliban returned to power in 2021, he became a governor. When asked about the destruction of the Buddhas, he initially deflects, then says: "I destroyed it with my own hands. Whatever we did and we do is in accordance with the guidance and God's law. We smash idols rather than sell them. Why should I regret? It was God's will."

In Kabul, another senior official, Habibullah Badr, drives through the city in an armoured car. He was once "responsible for the operations of suicide attackers," he tells the BBC. Taliban suicide attacks killed thousands of people across Afghanistan, many of them civilians. When pressed about civilian deaths, Badr says the Taliban targeted US convoys and urged civilians to stay away from foreign bases. He becomes evasive when asked about specific attacks in civilian areas. He was once held on death row under the previous government; now he has held the position of deputy head of prisons for the entire country—running the very jail where he awaited execution.

At a tribal gathering where Badr is to be honoured with a medal, Sultan Mohammad Talaee, head of a charitable foundation, breaks the ceremonial silence. "Mr Badr is a pride for Afghanistan," he says, "but I also have a complaint. If the schools and education were open to all it would be a great work for Afghanistan." The room goes still. His microphone is swiftly removed. Later, Talaee tells the BBC he had requested that girls' schools reopen, citing Islamic teaching that seeking knowledge is an obligation for both men and women. "There were other things I wanted to say but they didn't let me talk more."

When the BBC meets with Zabihullah Mujahid, the Taliban government's spokesman, they sit in a lavish press centre that the Americans built for the previous government. Mujahid reveals his real name publicly for the first time: Tahir Shah Seddiqi. Two days after the Taliban took Kabul in 2021, he stood in this same room and told the world that women would be allowed to work and study "within our frameworks" and would "be very active" in society. The BBC asks why they failed to keep that promise. "We are committed to women's rights, freedom of speech and other things within Sharia," he replies. "We should see everything through the Sharia lens." Allowing women to work in offices like his would "lead to immoralities" and "their dignity would be undermined." On education, he says the issue is "under discussions" and they need "a Sharia-based solution for it."

The restrictions have only tightened. In Kandahar, the Taliban's heartland in the south, men must now have beards. Radio stations cannot play music or broadcast women's voices. The BBC was not permitted to film in the city. In the mountains outside Kandahar, former fighters showed journalists the cave networks where they once hid, firing from holes in the rock, storing their Qurans and rifles. One man, Abdul Samad, showed an unmarked graveyard where his father is buried, killed fighting for the Taliban. The area is among the most deprived in Afghanistan, where the UN reports that three in four people cannot meet their basic needs. Samad expressed hope that Taliban leaders would eventually attend to the region's desperate need for water, roads, and clinics.

Women who have lived under Taliban rule speak of despair. One woman, who protested when the Taliban first returned, told the BBC: "I'm speechless about how a group that has no understanding about life is suddenly in power." She believes the Taliban restrict women because they fear educated women. "They want uneducated women so they can't raise wise men. Because that would end the Taliban." Most journalists the BBC spoke to said they had been summoned or questioned by the Taliban's intelligence service. Friends of women the BBC interviewed had been jailed for protesting. Five years into Taliban rule, poverty, unemployment, and economic instability remain severe. The men in power say they are working to address these crises. But for many Afghans, the Taliban itself is the country's main problem.

If there was any chance to live together, I wouldn't be here. I have taken my decision.
— An 18-year-old woman seeking divorce from her abusive husband, speaking to Governor Sarhadi
I destroyed it with my own hands. Whatever we did and we do is in accordance with the guidance and God's law.
— Governor Sarhadi, on destroying the ancient Buddha statues in Bamiyan in the 1990s
I think the Taliban are scared of educated women. That's why they restrict women.
— A woman protester, on the Taliban's exclusion of girls from secondary education
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