In Delhi this weekend, India convenes the 18th BRICS summit — a gathering that has grown from five founding nations to eleven, and in doing so has grown harder to hold together. New Delhi, navigating its own deepening ties with Washington while chairing a bloc that includes Moscow and Beijing, has chosen the path of deliberate ambiguity: rebranding the acronym itself as a statement of purpose rather than of membership, hoping that a shared mission might paper over competing visions. The presence of Putin and likely Xi Jinping marks a stronger showing than last year's thinly attended Rio summit
India seeks to keep BRICS unified and pragmatic as summit begins
Keep things vague enough that no one feels left out
So India is basically trying to make BRICS work by making it mean less?
Not less—differently. The slogan keeps the acronym but strips it of country names. It's about reframing BRICS as a mission rather than a club. India doesn't want to alienate the new members or offend Russia and China, but it also doesn't want to be seen as anti-Western.
But that's a real tension, isn't it? If BRICS is supposed to be a counterweight to Western dominance, how do you keep it unified while also saying you're not anti-Western?
You don't, really. That's why India's approach is to focus on practical things—trade, monetary cooperation, agriculture—where there's actual agreement. Avoid the ideological fights.
Why would Putin and Xi even bother showing up if the bloc is this weak?
Because it still represents nearly half the world's population and forty percent of global GDP. Even a weak BRICS is worth attending. And for Putin especially, it's a chance to show Russia isn't isolated.
But six heads of state skipped last year's summit. That's not a sign of strength. And now we have Iran and the UAE both attending—they're rivals. How does that work?
It doesn't, really. That's one of the internal contradictions. The bloc has more autocracies than democracies now, and members have tense bilateral relations. India's job is to keep those tensions from exploding into the open.
So what actually gets decided this weekend?
Probably not much. Singh says concrete outcomes will be very limited. Maybe some progress on trade and monetary cooperation, but nothing major.
And is that because BRICS is fundamentally broken, or because India doesn't actually want it to be strong?
Both, maybe. India's moved closer to the US. It doesn't have the same enthusiasm for building BRICS as a bloc that challenges Western power. So India's neutrality isn't just diplomatic—it reflects what New Delhi actually wants.
Which is?
A forum for practical cooperation among the Global South, not a geopolitical weapon.
O Pulso
- The expansion of BRICS from five to eleven members has introduced regional rivals — Iran and the UAE, Iran and Saudi Arabia — into the same room, making consensus on almost anything structurally difficult.
- India finds itself in a delicate bind: deepening its partnership with the United States while presiding over a bloc that Russia and China want to steer into open confrontation with the West.
- New Delhi's response is a carefully engineered slogan that reinterprets 'BRICS' as a mission statement rather than a list of nations, buying neutrality at the cost of ideological clarity.
- The expected attendance of both Putin and Xi — after six heads of state skipped last year's Brazil summit — restores some credibility to the bloc and creates space for crucial bilateral talks between Modi, Putin, and Xi.
- Analysts warn the summit will likely 'continue to underwhelm' on grand ambitions, though targeted progress on trade, alternative financial architecture, and food security remains within reach.
In Delhi this weekend, India convenes the 18th BRICS summit — a gathering that has grown from five founding nations to eleven, and in doing so has grown harder to hold together. New Delhi, navigating its own deepening ties with Washington while chairing a bloc that includes Moscow and Beijing, has chosen the path of deliberate ambiguity: rebranding the acronym itself as a statement of purpose rather than of membership, hoping that a shared mission might paper over competing visions. The presence of Putin and likely Xi Jinping marks a stronger showing than last year's thinly attended Rio summit, yet the fundamental question persists — whether a coalition this internally contradictory can be anything more than a symbol of multipolarity's aspirations.
India is hosting the 18th BRICS summit in Delhi, and the challenge of keeping an eleven-member bloc coherent has never been more apparent. The original five — Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa — are now joined by Egypt, Ethiopia, Indonesia, Iran, and the United Arab Emirates, a combination that has made the group more representative of the Global South and considerably harder to manage.
To navigate that complexity, India's government devised a summit slogan that quietly reinterprets the bloc's very identity: 'Building for Resilience, Innovation, Cooperation and Sustainability.' The acronym still reads BRICS, but it no longer names the member countries — it describes a shared purpose instead. MIT's Mihaela Papa calls it elegant, a way of keeping the tent wide enough that no one feels excluded and neutral enough that no one feels targeted.
That neutrality is not incidental — it reflects India's own precarious position. New Delhi has been drawing closer to Washington in defense and trade, even as it chairs a bloc that Russia and China have tried to push into an explicitly anti-Western posture. Yale's Sushant Singh puts it plainly: India has no appetite for building BRICS into a counterweight to Western power. It wants the bloc practical, not ideological.
What distinguishes this summit from last year's gathering in Rio is the guest list. Six heads of state were absent in Brazil, including Xi and Putin. This year, Putin is expected, and Xi's attendance is widely anticipated. Their presence alone lends the summit greater weight and opens the door to bilateral conversations — Modi and Putin are scheduled to meet, and the gathering offers a rare face-to-face moment for Xi and Modi amid ongoing tensions between their countries.
Still, the bloc's internal contradictions are structural, not incidental. BRICS now contains more autocracies than democracies, and several members are regional rivals. Papa acknowledges these tensions will always be difficult to reconcile; Singh suggests the group will continue to fall short of its grander ambitions. The expansion has made consensus harder across the board, and external pressures — from China's growing global footprint to the Trump administration's tariff policies — have narrowed the space for agreement further.
Where progress is most plausible, Papa argues, is in trade facilitation, alternative currency and payment mechanisms, and agricultural cooperation. India is more interested in a coordinated BRICS approach to WTO reform than in pushing for UN restructuring, and that shared interest in trade governance may be where the summit leaves its most tangible mark. Whether India's role as a bridge between competing camps can hold the bloc's contradictions in productive tension, rather than letting them quietly unravel it, is the question that will outlast the weekend.
India is hosting the 18th BRICS summit in Delhi this weekend, and the stakes for keeping the bloc together are higher than they were a year ago. The gathering brings together Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa—the original five—alongside five newer members: Egypt, Ethiopia, Indonesia, Iran, and the United Arab Emirates. That expansion from five countries to eleven has made the group harder to manage, not easier, and India's job as host is to hold it together without breaking it apart.
To do that, India's government came up with a summit slogan designed to work on two levels at once: "Building for Resilience, Innovation, Cooperation and Sustainability." The acronym still spells BRICS, but it no longer refers to the member countries by name. Instead, it describes a shared mission. Mihaela Papa, who directs the BRICS Lab at MIT, calls it elegant—a way to reinterpret the bloc so that the acronym represents what the group is trying to do rather than who belongs to it. The move reflects India's deeper calculation: keep things vague enough that no one feels left out, and neutral enough that no one feels attacked.
That neutrality matters because India itself is caught between worlds. New Delhi has been moving closer to the United States in recent years, deepening defense and trade ties with Washington. At the same time, India chairs a bloc that includes Russia and China, both of which have pushed BRICS toward a more confrontational stance toward the West. Sushant Singh, a lecturer in South Asian Studies at Yale, puts it plainly: India doesn't want to offend Russia or China, but the country's enthusiasm for building up BRICS as a counterweight to Western power simply isn't there. India wants BRICS to be low-key and practical, not ideological.
What makes this year's summit different from last year's gathering in Rio de Janeiro is who is actually showing up. Twelve months ago, six of the bloc's eleven heads of state skipped the event, including major players like Chinese President Xi Jinping and Russian President Vladimir Putin. This time, Putin is expected to attend, and Xi Jinping is widely expected, though Beijing has not yet formally confirmed. Their presence alone signals that BRICS still matters to its two largest members, and it gives the bloc more weight as a potential stabilizing force in global affairs. India will also use the summit for bilateral meetings—Modi and Putin are scheduled to meet on Friday, and the gathering gives Xi and Modi a chance to talk face-to-face amid ongoing tensions in their relationship.
Yet the internal contradictions that plague BRICS are not going away. The bloc now includes more autocracies than democracies. Many members have tense relations with each other—Iran and the UAE are regional rivals, as are Iran and Saudi Arabia, which is also expected to attend despite its membership status remaining somewhat ambiguous. Papa notes that these internal contradictions will always be hard to reconcile. Singh goes further, saying that the group will likely "continue to underwhelm." The expansion has made consensus harder to reach on almost everything. Issues ranging from China's growing global dominance to the Trump administration's tariff stance have made the bloc's already limited goals even more difficult to achieve.
What might actually get done? Papa expects progress in three areas: trade, monetary cooperation, and agriculture. Discussions will probably focus on improving trade between members, building alternative financial architecture for currency exchanges, and addressing food security. Talk of reforming global governance—pushing for better representation on bodies like the IMF and World Bank—will still be central. But India is reluctant to press for UN reform and more interested in a coordinated BRICS approach to trade and the World Trade Organization. That shared interest in WTO reform, Papa says, makes movement in that area more likely than in others.
India's role as bridge-builder between competing camps gives it a kind of clout that might actually help hold BRICS together. Papa argues that India's geopolitical weight and its relationships across different blocs make it an important stabilizing presence. Its approach is likely to keep BRICS focused on practical cooperation and global governance reform rather than overt bloc politics—which is exactly what India wants. But whether that pragmatism can overcome the bloc's fundamental lack of coherence remains an open question as the summit begins.
Citações Notáveis
India doesn't want to offend Russia or China, but the fact is that Indians are looking more towards the United States these days. The desire to build up BRICS is not there.— Sushant Singh, Yale University
India adds clout because it has significant geopolitical weight and relationships across competing camps, making it an important bridge-builder.— Mihaela Papa, MIT BRICS Lab