Hungary's Parliament Elects Orban Critic Baka as President

We cannot build the new Hungary on revenge
Baka's warning to parliament as he took office, signaling a conciliatory approach despite the contentious removal of his predecessor.
Mark

Why does it matter that Hungary elected a ceremonial president? Isn't the real power with the prime minister?

Mimi

The presidency is ceremonial, yes, but symbols matter enormously in a country trying to rebuild democratic institutions. Baka's appointment signals that the old guard is being replaced by someone who actually resisted Orban. It's a statement about direction.

Mark

But Magyar used the same constitutional amendment power that Orban used to remove Sulyok. Doesn't that undermine the whole reform project?

Mimi

That's the painful contradiction at the heart of this moment. Magyar is using authoritarian tools to dismantle authoritarianism. He justified it as necessary, but it gives Orban's supporters legitimate grounds to say he's doing the same thing they did.

Mark

What did Baka actually say about that contradiction?

Mimi

He didn't directly condemn Sulyok's removal, even though it echoed what happened to him in 2011. But in parliament, he warned against building the new Hungary on revenge. He seemed to be saying: yes, we're breaking with the past, but we can't do it by becoming what we're fighting against.

Mark

Is that realistic? Can you reform a captured state without using some of the same levers of power?

Mimi

That's the question nobody has answered yet. Baka's conciliatory tone suggests he thinks you can, at least from the presidency. But whether Magyar's broader reforms will maintain that restraint is another matter entirely.

Mark

What happens if they don't?

Mimi

Then Hungary trades one form of institutional capture for another. The tools remain; only the hands holding them change.

  • A man removed from Hungary's Supreme Court by Orban in 2011 has now been elevated to the country's presidency, completing a remarkable arc of political reversal after nearly two decades in European judicial exile.
  • Magyar's government used its two-thirds supermajority to rewrite the constitution and force out Orban-ally Tamas Sulyok ahead of schedule — a move critics say uncomfortably echoes the very authoritarian playbook Magyar vowed to dismantle.
  • Fidesz boycotted the vote in protest, but with only 52 seats against Magyar's 141, the gesture was purely symbolic — the outcome had never been in doubt.
  • Even chess grandmaster Judit Polgar, briefly considered for the role, declined, citing the weight of healing a fractured nation — a candid signal of how deep the divisions run.
  • Baka entered the presidency with a pointed warning against revenge, pledging to keep constitution-making open and to serve as a unifying force rather than a partisan instrument of the new majority.

In a country long shaped by the consolidating grip of one man's vision, Hungary has turned a symbolic page: parliament has elected Andras Baka — a jurist once cast aside by Viktor Orban — as its new president. The choice, engineered by Prime Minister Peter Magyar following April's decisive electoral shift, carries the weight of historical irony, as a figure exiled from Hungarian public life by the old order now occupies its ceremonial summit. Yet the manner of his arrival — a constitutional amendment used to remove a sitting president early — raises the oldest question of political transformation: whether a system built on concentrated power can be dismantled without reaching for the same tools.

Hungary's parliament voted Tuesday to install Andras Baka, a 73-year-old jurist and longtime Orban critic, as the country's new president — a sharp symbolic break from the era of the man who governed Hungary for most of the past sixteen years before losing decisively in April's elections. Baka's journey to the role is itself a story of political reversal: he returned to Hungary in 2009 to lead its Supreme Court, only to be removed by Orban in 2011, three years before his term was due to end. He spent the intervening decades as a judge at the European Court of Human Rights before Prime Minister Peter Magyar brought him home to occupy the country's largely ceremonial but symbolically charged top office.

The parliamentary vote was never genuinely contested. Magyar's TISZA party commands 141 of 199 seats, and the final tally — 140 in favor, six against — reflected that dominance. Orban's Fidesz, holding 52 seats, boycotted the proceedings in protest, a gesture of defiance that carried no practical consequence.

Yet the road to Baka's election exposed the contradictions at the heart of Magyar's reform project. To clear the way, Magyar used his two-thirds supermajority to amend the constitution and terminate the term of Sulyok, an Orban appointee installed in 2024, before it was scheduled to end. International observers and rights groups noted the uncomfortable parallel: the new government was deploying the same constitutional mechanisms Orban had used to entrench his own power. Magyar defended the move as necessary for the system change voters had demanded, but the tension between dismantling authoritarianism and wielding authoritarian tools to do so shadowed the entire process. At one point, celebrated chess grandmaster Judit Polgar had been considered for the presidency; she declined, saying she lacked the strength to unite a fractured country.

When Baka addressed parliament, he struck a deliberately conciliatory note. He had previously described Hungary under Orban as a 'captured state,' and acknowledged that figures like Sulyok had been placed in office not to check executive power but to preserve the old system beyond electoral defeat. Yet his remarks to lawmakers carried a different register: 'There is one thing we certainly cannot do — we cannot build the new Hungary on revenge.' He pledged to foster open debate and to ensure that constitution-making would never again become the exclusive project of a single political force. Whether that posture can hold as Magyar pursues deeper institutional reform remains the defining question of Hungary's next chapter.

Hungary's parliament voted on Tuesday to install Andras Baka, a 73-year-old jurist and longtime critic of Viktor Orban, as the country's next president. The move marks a sharp symbolic break from the Orban era and forms part of Prime Minister Peter Magyar's broader effort to dismantle the institutional legacy of his predecessor, who governed Hungary for most of the past 16 years before losing decisively in April's general elections.

Baka's path to the presidency is itself a story of political reversal. He spent nearly two decades as a judge at the European Court of Human Rights before returning to Hungary in 2009 to lead its Supreme Court. In December 2011, shortly after Orban returned to power, Baka was removed from that role three years before his term was scheduled to end—a move that effectively sidelined him from Hungarian public life. Now, Magyar has brought him back to occupy the country's largely ceremonial but symbolically significant top office.

The parliamentary vote itself was never in doubt. Magyar's TISZA party holds 141 of 199 seats in parliament, a commanding majority born from Hungary's winner-takes-all electoral system. The final tally showed 140 lawmakers voting in favor and six against. Orban's Fidesz party, which holds 52 seats, boycotted the vote in protest—a gesture of defiance that carried no practical weight. Magyar's two-thirds supermajority meant the outcome was predetermined from the start.

But the path to Baka's election revealed the tensions embedded in Magyar's reform agenda. To remove Baka's predecessor, Tamas Sulyok—an Orban appointee installed in 2024—Magyar used that same two-thirds majority to amend the constitution and terminate Sulyok's term early. The irony was not lost on observers. Fidesz condemned the move as tyrannical and illegitimate, while international rights groups noted that it mirrored the very mechanisms Orban had used to consolidate power. Magyar defended it as necessary to pursue the "system change" voters had demanded. The tension between dismantling authoritarianism and using authoritarian tools to do so hung over the proceedings.

At one point, Magyar had considered nominating Judit Polgar, Hungary's celebrated chess grandmaster, to the presidency. Polgar declined, saying she lacked the strength to shoulder the responsibility of uniting a fractured nation, though she pledged to support whoever took the role.

When Baka addressed parliament on Tuesday, he acknowledged the contradiction without directly condemning Sulyok's removal. He told the AFP news agency last month that Hungary had become a "captured state" under Orban, and that officials like Sulyok had been appointed not to check executive power but to ensure the survival of the old system even after electoral defeat. Yet in his parliamentary remarks, Baka struck a notably conciliatory tone. "There is one thing we certainly cannot do: we cannot build the new Hungary on revenge," he said. He pledged to encourage public debate, maintain parliamentary openness, and ensure that constitution-making would never again become the exclusive project of a single political force.

The statement seemed directed as much at his own supporters as at the opposition. It was a signal that while Baka represents a genuine break from the Orban years, he intends to govern the presidency—a largely ceremonial role—as a unifying rather than a partisan office. Whether that conciliatory posture can hold as Magyar pursues deeper institutional reforms remains to be seen.

In a country governed by the rule of law, such extraordinary measures cannot be used, but Hungary became a captured state under Orban.
— Andras Baka, to AFP news agency
There is one thing we certainly cannot do: we cannot build the new Hungary on revenge.
— Andras Baka, speaking in parliament
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