How Street Protests and a WhatsApp Army Helped Lula Stage Brazil's Historic Comeback

The streets and social media almost overlap
Political scientist Fábio Vasconcellos on how protests and online mobilisation fed Lula's runoff comeback.
Mark

Why is this comeback such a big deal?

Mimi

No second-placed candidate in a first round had ever won the runoff in Brazil's democratic era. Lula did, going from 53.9 million votes to 64.2 million.

Mark

What actually moved the numbers?

Mimi

Analysts point to student protests, the "Lula's Army" WhatsApp channel, and expanded cash-transfer payments, plus fear of a Bolsonaro government among undecided voters.

Luke

Careful, though. Those are analysts' explanations. The article doesn't say how many votes each factor produced.

Mimi

Fair. Vasconcellos says the factors overlapped, which makes separating them harder.

Mark

The WhatsApp channel sounds huge.

Mimi

Over 10 million followers by election Sunday, starting from 60,000 after day one. Lula's digital reach overtook Bolsonaro's.

Luke

Reach isn't votes, though. It's a strong signal, not proof of persuasion.

Mark

And the benefits package?

Mimi

Lula approved it at the limits of what electoral law allows, with larger, earlier payments. The article doesn't say whether it was challenged.

Luke

And it doesn't quantify its effect either.

Mark

What comes next for the left?

Mimi

Lula says this was his last election, and Rocha says nobody in his party matches his leadership. How the party answers that is still unknown.

  • A first-round deficit left the left stunned, with analysts treating a Flávio Bolsonaro victory as all but certain.
  • Student protests erupted in Niterói and Rio, then spread nationwide, pulling the campaign out of its slump.
  • A WhatsApp channel called "Lula's Army" hit over 10 million followers, its organizer hospitalized after a grueling pace.
  • Lula, now given his first mobile phone, is talking to voters several times a day as cash transfers hit poor households.
  • The runoff flipped 10 million votes toward Lula, and he now faces the question of who inherits a movement built around him.

In a country that has long lived with the shadow of its own authoritarian past, a president who finished second in the first round found his way back through the hands of ordinary people: students marching through the streets of Niterói and Rio, a WhatsApp channel that turned supporters into a restless chorus, and a government that reached poor families with money just before the vote. The result, the first reversal of its kind in Brazil's democratic era, reflects both a fear of concentrated power and the enduring pull of one aging leader. What comes next will depend on whether the left can renew itself beyond the man who carried it back.

On the night after Brazil's first round, students from the Fluminense Federal University marched through Niterói, across the bay from Rio, to protest the prospect of a Bolsonaro returning to power. Jair Bolsonaro was under house arrest for attempting a coup, and his son Flávio was the favorite. Inside the left, the mood was grim. President Lula had finished second and reportedly could not understand how it had happened after what he considered the best of his three governments.

Within days, student protests had taken over downtown Rio and spread across the country. Lula later thanked the young people who took to the streets to defend democracy. Meanwhile, congressman André Janones launched a WhatsApp channel called "Lula's Army," flooding supporters with urgent audio messages and daily instructions. It reached more than 10 million followers by election day, and Lula's digital reach overtook Bolsonaro's. The campaign also taught the incumbent to speak directly to voters through selfie videos, even though he had only just received his first mobile phone.

The result made history: a candidate who came second in the first round won the runoff. Lula rose from 53.9 million votes to 64.2 million, drawing in abstainers and persuading others who had backed rival candidates. Analysts point to a fear of losing rights and of power concentrating around Bolsonaro, alongside expanded benefits that reached poor families just before the vote. Many credit Lula himself as the decisive force.

Now the question is what comes after him. Lula has said this was his last election, and his party has no equally commanding figure. Some see an opening for renewal, a chance to reconnect with the young and urban voters who feel unheard.

On the night after Brazil's first-round vote, students from the Fluminense Federal University walked into the streets of Niterói, a city of 480,000 across Guanabara Bay from Rio de Janeiro. They were protesting the prospect of a Bolsonaro returning to power. The family's patriarch, former president Jair Bolsonaro, is under house arrest for attempting a coup, and his son, senator Flávio Bolsonaro, was now the favorite to win.

The mood on the left had been grim. President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva had finished second in that first round, and he reportedly told allies he could not understand how that happened after a government he considered the best of his three terms. Nine million voters had backed other candidates, all of them on the right, and they were expected to move mostly to Flávio Bolsonaro. Analysts widely treated his victory as certain.

Two days after the Niterói march, another student protest took over downtown Rio. Over the following days similar demonstrations spread across the country. Analysts, and Lula himself, agree these organic protests revived the campaign. In his victory speech on Sunday night he thanked the young people who took to the streets to defend democracy.

The result was historic. For the first time in Brazil's democratic history, a candidate who came second in the first round won the runoff. Political scientist Fábio Vasconcellos, of the Representation and Democratic Legitimacy group at the Federal University of Paraná, points to three forces working together: the streets, social media and the machinery of government. In recent weeks Lula approved a package of benefits at the edge of what electoral law permits, including larger and earlier payments from the main cash-transfer programme for poor families. "The streets and social media almost overlap," Vasconcellos said.

The online side ran through a WhatsApp channel called "Lula's Army," created two days after the first round by congressman André Janones, a Lula ally. Janones sent audio messages and videos, often opening with shouts of "Guys, urgent!", along with dozens of daily instructions on making pro-Lula content perform on social media. The channel had 60,000 followers after its first day and more than 10 million by election Sunday. Lula's digital reach overtook Bolsonaro's. Lula called Janones "our general" in his speech. The congressman's pace, which included a 24-hour YouTube livestream on the eve of the vote, put him in hospital last week, the only day the channel went silent.

The campaign also overhauled Lula's own communications. The incumbent, who turns 81 on Tuesday, began recording selfie videos despite not owning a mobile phone. On Sunday night he said he had now been given one and would talk directly to Brazilians many times a day.

The numbers show the scale of the swing. Bolsonaro won 56.1 million votes in the first round and added 3.7 million in the runoff. Lula rose from 53.9 million to 64.2 million, a gain of more than 10 million. That came both from drawing in people who had abstained, at historically high rates, in the first round and from persuading voters who had backed other candidates, Bolsonaro included.

Camila Rocha, a political scientist who studies Brazil's new right and has interviewed undecided voters since May, says the fear of losing rights, and of power concentrating in Bolsonaro's hands, was very clear, so even people who disliked Lula voted for him. Some voters called Bolsonaro a playboy who sided with big business, while also saying unprompted that his victory would bring a dictatorship. Bolsonaro was also caught up in recent controversies, including saying he would use the new, even more conservative congress to change the constitution and "re-democratise" Brazil, and two federal police inquiries into alleged corruption and money laundering.

Many analysts stress Lula himself. Political scientist Helcimara de Souza Telles said that with another candidate, Bolsonaro would already have won in the first round. Campaign manager Marco Aurélio de Carvalho named the president without hesitation, calling him a star player.

The next question is succession, since Lula has said this was his last election. Rocha says his dominance in polling remains strong and no one in his party has comparable leadership. Vasconcellos sees an opening for renewal, with the party learning to connect better with young and urban voters who feel unheard.

I want to thank the generosity of Brazil's young people who took to the streets to defend democracy.
— Lula, victory speech
If it were another candidate, Bolsonaro would already have won in the first round.
— Helcimara de Souza Telles, political scientist
Quer a matéria completa? Leia o original em The Guardian ↗
Fale Conosco FAQ