In the Arab-majority city of Nazareth, where students hand leaflets to drivers at rush hour, a fifth of Israel's population is weighing a vote that could decide who governs a country divided over war, belonging and fear. After October 2023, many Arab citizens felt cast as suspects rather than neighbours, and their turnout, long dampened by disaffection, is now being pulled toward a single purpose: ending the rule of the most right-wing government in the nation's history. Yet the arithmetic that would hand them leverage also exposes an old question of whether a democracy will invite a minority
How Arab Parties Could Hold the Balance of Power in Israel's Closely Fought Election
Arab citizens could yet decide who wields power in Israel
Why are Arab parties suddenly so central in this election?
Because the polls show two blocs each near 50 of 120 seats, and 13 or 14 seats could go to Arab-majority lists. Whoever wants a majority may need them.
Worth noting that's polling, not a result. The article says most polls, and the seat figures are this week's estimates.
What's stopping a deal?
Eisenkot has ruled out a government with Arab parties, citing a lack of shared values. Netanyahu's campaign, meanwhile, is running billboards reading Right or Palestine.
And the alternative is breaking pledges not to work with Netanyahu. Neither path is shown as likely; that's just the choice the article lays out.
What are Arab voters actually focused on?
Crime above all. A September poll found 53.5% called it the top factor. Murders reached 252 last year, and Ziad Samouni's son Hussein is among the unsolved cases.
The 252 comes from the Abraham Initiatives, one organisation's count. Police say Hussein's case is still active, and no arrests have been made.
And the discrimination claims?
Advocates describe arrests, firings and budget cuts since October 7. The government says the cuts pay for wartime defence.
So those are contested: the groups' accusation on one side, the government's explanation on the other. What's unknown is how many Arab voters will turn out.
Der Puls
- Polls show neither Netanyahu's bloc nor Eisenkot's Change Bloc near a majority, leaving 13 or 14 seats in the hands of Arab-majority lists.
- Eisenkot has ruled out governing with Arab parties, while Netanyahu's billboards in Nazareth frame the vote as 'Right or Palestine'.
- Gang murders hit a record 252 last year, and the killing of 23-year-old Hussein Samouni in Jaffa remains unsolved, with no arrests.
- Anti-Netanyahu leaders must either break their pledges or deal with Arab lists, and the choice will shape Arab citizens' standing for years.
- The Supreme Court overturned the disqualification of both Arab lists, but the vote now carries the weight of a referendum on belonging.
In the Arab-majority city of Nazareth, where students hand leaflets to drivers at rush hour, a fifth of Israel's population is weighing a vote that could decide who governs a country divided over war, belonging and fear. After October 2023, many Arab citizens felt cast as suspects rather than neighbours, and their turnout, long dampened by disaffection, is now being pulled toward a single purpose: ending the rule of the most right-wing government in the nation's history. Yet the arithmetic that would hand them leverage also exposes an old question of whether a democracy will invite a minority into its power or keep it at the door.
At rush hour in Nazareth, students hand leaflets to passing drivers, urging them to vote in next week's general election. Polls suggest Arab parties may hold the balance of power, and the students know how much rides on it. Arkan Badran, 23, sees bringing down the government as a duty, because he believes its members treat Arab citizens as second-class.
The numbers are tight. Neither Netanyahu's bloc nor Gadi Eisenkot's Change Bloc appears to have a clear path to a majority, and 13 or 14 seats may go to Arab-majority lists. That would force the anti-Netanyahu camp either to break its pledges or to strike a deal with them. Eisenkot has so far ruled out working with Arab parties, citing a lack of shared values, a stance that critics such as broadcaster Mohammed Magadli call racism.
The shadow over the campaign is the war that followed the Hamas-led attack of 7 October 2023. Many Arab citizens say that since then they have been treated as enemies, with arrests, dismissals over speech and budget cuts they feel are unjust. The campaign has leaned into the divide, with Netanyahu warning of a 'dangerous government' and Smotrich speaking of 'Judaising' the Galilee and Negev.
For many voters the most urgent fear is crime. Murders in Arab communities reached a record 252 last year, and in Jaffa Ziad Samouni still points to where his son was shot, with no arrests made. This month the Supreme Court overturned the disqualification of both Arab lists. With days left, some drivers in Nazareth fly party flags from their cars, and the vote is seen as both a choice of who governs and a measure of Arab citizens' future in the country.
At rush hour in Nazareth, the largest Arab-majority city in Israel, students stand by the roadside handing leaflets to passing drivers, asking them to vote in next week's general election. Polls suggest Arab parties could end up holding a decisive balance of power, and the students know it.
Arab Israelis make up about a fifth of the population, and many describe themselves as Palestinian citizens of Israel. Disaffection has often kept their turnout low. This time there is a strong push to remove the most right-wing governing coalition in the country's history, an alliance of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu with far-right and ultra-Orthodox parties. Arkan Badran, 23, one of the students, says he sees it as a duty to bring the government down, because its members treat Arab citizens as second-class. He urges young people to vote for Arab lists.
The arithmetic is tight. Most polls show neither Netanyahu's bloc nor the main Change Bloc, led by the centre-right former military chief Gadi Eisenkot, with a clear path to a majority. This week's surveys put each at around 50 of the 120 seats in parliament, with 13 or 14 seats going to Arab-majority groupings. If that holds, anti-Netanyahu parties would have to either break pledges not to work with the prime minister or strike a deal with Arab-majority lists. Eisenkot has so far ruled out a government with Arab parties, citing a lack of shared values. Mohammed Magadli, a news anchor at the Nazareth station Radio Nas and an analyst for Channel 12, calls that racism, and says Netanyahu's political interests lie in stripping Arab parties of legitimacy. Magadli's father, Raleb, was Israel's first Muslim minister, serving from 2007 to 2009 for Labour.
The backdrop is the Hamas-led attack of 7 October 2023 and the war in Gaza, which brought greater mistrust and hostility toward the Arab minority. Suha Salman Mousa of the Mossawa Centre, which advocates for equal rights, says Arab citizens were treated as enemies afterward: free speech shrank, there were major arrests, and people were fired for social media posts or for opposing the war. She accuses ministers of systematic discrimination and incitement. Civil society groups say budgets for Arab communities have been disproportionately cut; the government says the reductions fund wartime defence and security. There have also been politicised campaigns against Arab doctors in Israeli hospitals and racially motivated attacks on Arab bus drivers by Jewish Israelis.
The campaign itself has leaned into the divide. Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich has vowed to "Judaise" parts of the Galilee and the Negev, where most Arabs live, likening it to settlement expansion in the occupied West Bank. Netanyahu has warned that his rivals plan a "dangerous government" with Arabs. His campaign put up billboards, including one at the main entrance to Nazareth, offering a choice between "Right or Palestine," with opposition figures, right-wingers among them, cast as the latter. It has also used AI-generated videos showing opponents embracing Arab leaders.
Two Arab-majority forces are in play. The Joint Arab List is a coalition of Hadash, Balad and Taal, secular parties that campaign for equal rights, an end to occupation and a two-state solution. It aims to influence from the opposition, offering an electoral safety net to any alternative government in return for support on key policies. The United Arab List is an Islamist party led by Mansour Abbas, who served as a minister in Naftali Bennett's short-lived 2021 government; Bennett is now a right-wing member of Eisenkot's bloc. Abbas has put a Jewish former police official and centrist MP, Yoav Segalovitz, in the number two slot, and says representation alone is not enough: he wants influence and a place in the next government.
For many Arab voters, the most pressing issue is gang crime. A September Israel Democracy Institute poll found it decisive for 53.5% of Arab citizens choosing a party. Murders in the community hit a record 252 last year, about five times the number of Jewish Israelis killed, according to the Abraham Initiatives. In Jaffa, Ziad Samouni points to where his son Hussein was shot dead last November by two gunmen on a motorcycle. No one has been arrested. Samouni accuses the government of letting killers go uncaught. Police say the investigation remains active and that they treat every case with utmost seriousness.
This month the Supreme Court overturned a Central Elections Committee decision, made by a body dominated by the governing coalition, to disqualify both Arab lists and two of their members for allegedly denying Israel's existence as a Jewish state. The parties deny it. With days left, some Nazareth drivers fly party flags from their cars, and Arab citizens see the vote as both a choice of who governs and a measure of their own future in the country.
Bemerkenswerte Zitate
In a word it's racism.— Mohammed Magadli, Radio Nas anchor and Channel 12 analyst, on Change Bloc refusal to work with Arab parties
We decided to take responsibility, to become part of the solution to our problems.— Mansour Abbas, United Arab List leader