Guinea-Bissau counts votes on constitution to strengthen presidency after coup

allow whoever wins the elections to see out their mandate without hindrance
General Horta Inta-A Na Man explained the military's rationale for the constitutional overhaul.
Mark

So the military is essentially rewriting the rules before handing power back to civilians. How does that work?

Mimi

They're saying it's necessary. The old system created constant friction between presidents and prime ministers from different parties, which paralyzed the government. They want the next elected president to actually be able to govern.

Luke

But we should be clear: this is the military deciding what the rules will be, then asking voters to approve it. The National Transitional Council drafted this, not an elected body.

Mimi

True. Though the turnout was over 55 percent, and the commission reported no serious incidents, so there was at least broad participation.

Mark

What happens if voters reject it on Tuesday?

Luke

That's the thing—we don't know. The source doesn't say what the contingency is. Do they hold elections under the old system? Do they redraft?

Mimi

The military has already committed to elections in December, so presumably something happens. But you're right that the plan if this fails isn't spelled out.

Mark

And the general running things now—he can't run in December?

Mimi

Correct. The transitional charter bars him from candidacy. So he's genuinely stepping aside.

Luke

Which is worth noting. He's not using this to entrench himself. But it does mean the military is essentially designing the system the next president will inherit.

Mark

Is this common in post-coup transitions?

Mimi

Constitutional rewrites do happen, yes. Whether this particular shift from parliamentary to presidential actually solves the instability problem—that's what we'll find out in practice.

  • A disputed 2025 election in which both candidates claimed victory collapsed into a military coup within days, leaving Guinea-Bissau's democratic legitimacy in urgent need of repair.
  • Years of deadlock between presidents and prime ministers had already hollowed out the old parliamentary system, making the case for reform easy to argue but the stakes of getting it wrong equally high.
  • The transitional military president, barred by his own charter from seeking elected office, framed the referendum as a bridge rather than a power grab — a structure to be handed over, not kept.
  • Turnout exceeded 55 percent and polling closed without significant disruption, lending the vote a credibility that its architects will need when results are announced Tuesday.
  • With presidential and parliamentary elections scheduled for December 6, the outcome of this referendum will define the rules of the game before any civilian has yet had the chance to play.

Ten months after soldiers stepped into a political vacuum left by a disputed election, the people of Guinea-Bissau were asked Sunday to decide what kind of republic they wish to become. The referendum, which drew more than half of eligible voters without reported incident, proposes replacing a parliamentary system long plagued by gridlock with a presidential one that would vest decisive authority in a single elected executive. It is a moment familiar to many young democracies: the attempt to trade the messy negotiation of shared power for the clarity — and risk — of concentrated rule, all while a military government promises to step aside once the architecture is set.

Guinea-Bissau went to the polls on Sunday not to choose a leader, but to choose the shape of leadership itself. Voters were asked to approve a new constitution that would dismantle the country's parliamentary system and replace it with a presidential one — a change the military government, in power since a coup last November, describes as the necessary foundation for a stable return to civilian rule.

The old system required the prime minister to emerge from whichever party or coalition controlled parliament, an arrangement that had repeatedly produced paralysis and bitter rivalries between competing power centers. The proposed constitution would instead give an elected president the authority to appoint and dismiss the prime minister, choose cabinet members, and dissolve parliament — concentrating executive power in a way its architects say will allow whoever wins December's elections to actually govern.

More than 55 percent of eligible voters participated, and the National Electoral Commission reported no significant disruptions. Results are expected Tuesday. General Horta Inta-A Na Man, the transitional president, has made clear he will not stand in those December elections himself — his own transitional charter forbids it — and the military has committed to handing power to a civilian president on December 6.

The coup itself came the morning after a deeply fractured November 2025 presidential election in which both candidates claimed victory and accused the other of fraud. The military intervened citing institutional collapse, and has spent the months since constructing a path back to elected government. Whether a more powerful presidency will finally break Guinea-Bissau's cycle of dysfunction, or simply concentrate its risks in fewer hands, is a question the December elections will begin to answer.

Guinea-Bissau held a referendum on Sunday to reshape its government, with voters deciding whether to adopt a new constitution that would dramatically expand presidential power. The vote came less than ten months after the military seized control of the country, and the armed forces framed the constitutional overhaul as essential groundwork for restoring civilian rule.

More than 55 percent of eligible citizens cast ballots, according to Idrissa Djalo, the executive secretary of the National Electoral Commission. He reported that the polling proceeded without significant disruption or credibility concerns. The results will be announced on Tuesday, but the referendum itself represents a pivotal moment for a nation that has struggled with political dysfunction for years.

The new constitution would fundamentally alter how Guinea-Bissau governs itself. Currently, the country operates under a parliamentary system in which the prime minister must come from the party or coalition holding the most seats in parliament. This arrangement has repeatedly produced gridlock and uncomfortable power-sharing arrangements between competing political factions. The proposed system would shift to a presidential model, concentrating executive authority in the hands of an elected president who could appoint and dismiss the prime minister, select cabinet members, and dissolve parliament at will.

General Horta Inta-A Na Man, the military leader serving as transitional president, explained the rationale in stark terms: the goal is to ensure that whoever wins the December elections can actually govern without constant obstruction. Under the transitional charter that governs his own role, Inta-A Na Man is barred from running in those elections himself, meaning he will step aside once a civilian president is chosen. The military has committed to holding presidential and parliamentary elections on December 6.

The coup that brought the military to power occurred in the immediate aftermath of a deeply fractured November 2025 presidential election. Both candidates declared victory, each accusing the other of electoral manipulation. The military moved in the following day, citing the breakdown of democratic institutions and the need to restore order. In the months since, the transitional government has worked to prepare for a return to civilian governance, and this referendum represents a crucial step in that process.

The constitutional change addresses a genuine problem in Guinea-Bissau's recent political history. Years of deadlock between presidents and prime ministers, competing power centers, and institutional paralysis have left the country struggling to implement policy or respond effectively to crises. By concentrating executive power, the new system aims to create a government capable of decisive action and clear accountability. Whether this concentration of power will actually produce stability or simply create new risks remains an open question that will become clearer once the elections take place and a new civilian president takes office under these expanded constitutional powers.

What we want after this referendum is to allow whoever wins the elections to see out their mandate without hindrance.
— General Horta Inta-A Na Man, transitional president
Turnout exceeded 55 percent and the poll took place without any incidents that would call into question the credibility of the vote.
— Idrissa Djalo, executive secretary of the National Electoral Commission
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