German churches unite against far-right AfD ahead of Saxony-Anhalt election

Behind him stand forces that give cause for concern.
Bishop Feige on the AfD's lead candidate, warning that a polished public face masks deeper ideological threats.
Mark

Why are the churches taking such a public stance now? They've existed alongside political movements before.

Mimi

Because the AfD's platform directly attacks the institutional basis of organized Christianity—church funding, tax collection, the very legal structures that allow churches to operate. This isn't abstract disagreement. It's existential.

Luke

But the churches are a tiny minority here. Over 85 percent of people have no religious affiliation. Are they actually speaking for anyone but themselves?

Mark

That's a fair question. So what gives them standing to claim they're defending democracy?

Mimi

They're arguing that Christian anthropology—the belief in human dignity, the stranger, the vulnerable—is inseparable from democratic values. When the AfD talks about ethnonationalism and deporting people, the churches see a direct contradiction.

Luke

Except we should be careful here. The churches say they're not endorsing any particular party, just defending Christian values. But their campaign is clearly aimed at preventing an AfD government. That's political, even if it's framed theologically.

Mark

Bishop Feige mentioned the flag assemblies in schools—comparing them to Nazi and East German practices. Is that comparison fair?

Mimi

He's pointing to the symbolic language the AfD is using. The party itself is invoking national symbols in ways that echo those periods. Whether that's a fair historical parallel depends partly on what the AfD actually intends.

Luke

Right. We know the AfD wants to reintroduce flag ceremonies. We know Feige sees that as ominous. But we don't have the AfD's own explanation for why they want it, or what they think it means. The reporting gives us one side of that interpretation.

Mark

What about the AfD's claim that churches should lose funding because they promote "gender ideology" and "mass immigration"?

Mimi

The churches would say they're advocating for human dignity and welcoming the stranger—core Christian commitments. The AfD frames that as ideological capture. It's a fundamental disagreement about what Christianity means.

Luke

And it's worth noting: Saxony-Anhalt has one of the lowest proportions of foreign nationals in Germany. So the AfD's framing of the churches as promoting "unchecked mass immigration" doesn't match the actual demographic reality of the state.

Mark

If the AfD wins and forms a government, what actually happens to the churches?

Mimi

Feige and Kramer are warning it would be "devastating." The platform suggests defunding, ending tax collection, holding churches liable for asylum cases. But we don't know exactly how an AfD government would implement these policies or how quickly.

Luke

That's the honest answer. We have the AfD's platform. We have church leaders' warnings. We don't have a detailed scenario of what an AfD government would actually do, or how much of this platform would survive contact with legal and constitutional reality.

  • The AfD has moved from complaining about exclusion from church events to directly attacking church funding, asylum protections, and the theological premises of human dignity — a confrontational escalation that has forced religious leaders to respond as if democracy itself is on the ballot.
  • Bishop Gerhard Feige has become the public face of resistance, drawing applause at pilgrimages and warning that the AfD's polished lead candidate conceals forces whose proposals — flag assemblies in schools, mass deportations from day one — echo both Nazi-era and East German practices.
  • Cultural institutions and civil society organizations are joining the churches in a coordinated effort to alert voters, with banners reading 'Heart Instead of Hate' and 'Diversity Is Divine' appearing across the state ahead of the September 6 vote.
  • Despite representing only 13 percent of Saxony-Anhalt's population, the churches are positioning their opposition not as partisan endorsement but as a defense of Christian anthropology — a calculated framing meant to preserve moral authority in a largely secular state.
  • Church leaders warn that an AfD single-party government in Saxony-Anhalt would function as a national 'pilot project,' making this regional election a test case whose outcome could reshape the boundaries of acceptable governance across Germany.

In the weeks before Saxony-Anhalt's September 6 state election, Germany's Catholic and Protestant churches have taken the rare step of openly campaigning against the far-right AfD, hanging banners from cathedrals and issuing declarations that frame the party's ethnonationalism as incompatible with Christian teaching. The AfD, classified by domestic intelligence as a confirmed right-wing extremist organization, has responded by targeting the institutional foundations of organized religion — calling to abolish church tax funding and penalize congregations that shelter refugees. In a state where more than 85 percent of residents hold no religious affiliation, the churches have cast themselves not as a majority voice but as custodians of a democratic tradition they fear is being dismantled in plain sight.

Outside Magdeburg's Catholic cathedral, flags snap in the wind carrying a simple appeal: vote consciously, love thy neighbor, uphold human dignity. Nearby, the Protestant congregation has hung its own banner — 'Diversity Is Divine' — and across Saxony-Anhalt, churches display variations on the same theme: 'Heart Instead of Hate.' It is an unprecedented mobilization, and its target is unmistakable: the Alternative for Germany, the AfD, which holds commanding poll leads ahead of the September 6 state election.

Germany's domestic intelligence agency has classified the AfD's Saxony-Anhalt branch as a confirmed right-wing extremist organization. The party's April platform explains why the churches feel directly threatened: it calls for abolishing church tax funding, holding congregations financially liable for sheltering refugees, and stripping state support from the Protestant Academy on the grounds that it promotes 'climate dogma, gender ideology, and the rainbow cult.' The irony is not lost on observers — Saxony-Anhalt has one of the lowest proportions of foreign nationals of any German state.

Bishop Gerhard Feige, 74, has emerged as the public face of church resistance. In a pilgrimage sermon, he drew prolonged applause with a pointed reference to voters casting ballots 'into the blue' — the AfD's party color. He pointed to the party's campaign slogans and its proposal to reintroduce flag assemblies in schools as evidence of a worldview that echoes both the Nazi era and the GDR. 'I could never have imagined that so many people could once again be so easily led astray,' he said, warning that an AfD government in Saxony-Anhalt would serve as a 'pilot project' with national implications.

The Protestant Bishop Friedrich Kramer has echoed these warnings, noting that cultural institutions and civil society groups are joining forces to alert voters. Both churches have been careful to frame their opposition as a defense of Christian anthropology — a view of human dignity rooted in faith — rather than an endorsement of any rival party.

What makes this stance particularly striking is the religious landscape of the state itself. Only 13 percent of Saxony-Anhalt's 2.1 million residents identify as Christian, compared with a national average of 53 percent. The churches speak as a minority in a largely secular society, yet they have chosen to position themselves as guardians of democratic life — a role that, in the weeks before September 6, they appear unwilling to relinquish.

Outside Magdeburg's Catholic cathedral, flags snap in the wind bearing a simple message: "Love thy neighbor, dialogue, human dignity, solidarity. VOTE CONSCIOUSLY!" A short walk away, the Protestant Cathedral Congregation has hung its own banner: "DIVERSITY IS DIVINE." Across Saxony-Anhalt, other Protestant churches display variations on the same theme—"Heart Instead of Hate"—part of an unprecedented mobilization by Germany's Christian churches against a political force they have come to see as a fundamental threat to democratic life.

The target of this campaign is the Alternative for Germany, the AfD, which has built commanding poll leads ahead of the state election scheduled for September 6. Germany's domestic intelligence agency has classified the AfD's Saxony-Anhalt branch as a "confirmed right-wing extremist" organization. The prospect of a government led by the party alone has moved from theoretical to plausible. For the churches, this shift has transformed what was once a distant worry into an urgent moral reckoning.

The AfD's April platform made clear why the churches feel threatened. The party calls for an end to all state payments to both the Protestant and Catholic churches and the abolition of the church tax system—a mechanism through which public authorities collect contributions on behalf of the churches themselves. The platform goes further: it demands that churches be held financially liable for cases of "church asylum," where refugees seek shelter on church grounds. The Protestant Academy of Saxony-Anhalt, which receives state funding, should lose it entirely, the AfD argues, because the academy promotes what the party labels "climate dogma, gender ideology, and the rainbow cult" alongside "unchecked mass immigration." The irony is sharp: Saxony-Anhalt has one of the lowest proportions of foreign nationals of any German state.

This confrontation represents a dramatic escalation from the party's earlier years. When the AfD first emerged, its representatives complained mainly about being excluded from church events and conferences. Now the party has moved to direct assault on the institutional foundations of organized Christianity in the state. The sharpness of the Saxony-Anhalt platform exceeds anything heard from other regional AfD branches or the national party leadership. In February 2024, the German Catholic Bishops' Conference had unanimously adopted a declaration titled "Ethnic Nationalism and Christianity are Incompatible," identifying ethnonationalism within the AfD as "genuine right-wing extremism." But what is happening in Saxony-Anhalt now is more pointed, more local, and more personal.

Bishop Gerhard Feige, 74, has become the public face of church resistance. During a pilgrimage sermon in September 2025, he made a pointed remark about voters casting ballots "into the blue"—a reference to the AfD's party color that drew prolonged applause. When asked about the AfD's direction, he was unequivocal: it represents ethnonationalism without question. He pointed to the party's campaign posters—"Save your country," "Take your country back," "Deport from day one!"—as evidence of a worldview fundamentally at odds with Christian teaching. He also highlighted the AfD's proposal to reintroduce flag assemblies in schools, with the raising of the flag and singing of the national anthem. "This existed during the Nazi era and was later adopted by the GDR," Feige said. "And now it is supposed to return? I find that inconceivable."

Feige expressed bewilderment at the AfD's appeal. "I could never have imagined that so many people today could once again be so easily led astray, or that arsonists, pied pipers and respectable-looking agitators could emerge, and that so many would fall for them." The lead AfD candidate, Ulrich Siegmund, presents himself as polished and enthusiastic, which some voters interpret as reassuring. But Feige warned that behind this public face "stand forces that give cause for concern." If an AfD single-party government takes power in Saxony-Anhalt, he said, it will function as a "pilot project" with implications for national politics.

Friedrich Kramer, bishop of the Protestant Church in central Germany, has echoed these warnings. "A government involving the AfD would have devastating consequences," he said, adding that cultural institutions and civil society organizations are joining forces to alert voters. Both major churches have been careful to frame their opposition not as political endorsement of any particular party but as a defense of Christian anthropology—a view of human dignity rooted in faith. Whether the issue is climate protection, the treatment of strangers, or religious freedom itself, the churches argue they are speaking as Christians, not as partisan actors.

The religious landscape of Saxony-Anhalt makes this stance particularly striking. Only 10 percent of the state's population is Protestant, 3 percent Catholic. More than 85 percent of the 2.1 million residents have no religious affiliation—compared with a national average of 47 percent. The churches are a minority voice in a largely secular state, yet they have positioned themselves as defenders of democracy itself. The AfD's platform notably omits any mention of Jews or Jewish life, though it repeatedly invokes Islam as "a religion alien to our culture" and promises to "restore religious freedom to appropriate limits." Representatives of the state's Jewish association and the largest mosque congregation declined to comment. The AfD's framing of religious freedom as something to be constrained rather than protected echoes rhetoric heard from conservative Christian movements in the United States, though comparable religious milieus barely exist in Saxony-Anhalt.

If an AfD single-party government comes to power here, it will be a pilot project. Then Saxony-Anhalt will become a gateway to national politics.
— Bishop Gerhard Feige
A government involving the AfD would have devastating consequences.
— Friedrich Kramer, bishop of the Protestant Church in central Germany
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