Geneva talks test whether DRC and Rwanda can break cycle of eastern Congo conflict

Civilians in eastern DRC experience ongoing displacement, violence, loss of land and livelihoods; Goma residents have endured repeated cycles of fighting since M23's January 2025 capture of the city.
Rwanda's security must not be built at the expense of our sovereignty
A Congolese activist articulates the DRC's core objection to Rwanda's military presence in eastern Congo.
Mark

So why are these talks happening now, more than a year after the last agreement? What changed?

Mimi

The fighting didn't stop. M23 took Goma and Bukavu. The situation on the ground got worse, not better. That's what brought them back to the table.

Luke

But we should be clear—the agreement they signed over a year ago is still technically in place. They're not starting from zero. They're trying to fix what didn't work.

Mark

What's the actual disagreement between the DRC and Rwanda? It sounds like it's about more than just one armed group.

Mimi

It is. Rwanda says the FDLR—this group that emerged after the 1994 genocide—is a security threat on its border. The DRC says Rwanda's military presence in Congolese territory violates their sovereignty. Rwanda sees it as necessary protection. The DRC sees it as occupation.

Luke

And neither side trusts the other to back down first. Rwanda won't pull its forces without guarantees the FDLR is gone. The DRC won't accept a foreign military on its soil. That's the actual knot.

Mark

Where does M23 fit into this? They seem like the most immediate problem.

Mimi

M23 is fighting the DRC army right now. They control major cities. But they're not part of the Geneva talks—they're in separate negotiations in Qatar. The problem is, you can't really separate the conflicts. What happens in Geneva affects what happens on the ground, and vice versa.

Luke

Right. And we don't actually know if M23 would accept whatever Kinshasa and Kigali agree to. They might just keep fighting anyway.

Mark

What do people in Goma actually want from these talks?

Mimi

They want the violence to stop. They want to go back to their fields, to their livelihoods. They've been displaced repeatedly. One resident said he hopes this is a chance to silence the guns by mutual agreement.

Luke

But that's the hard part. The diplomats are arguing about FDLR neutralization and military withdrawal. The people are living with displacement and loss of land. Those aren't the same conversation.

Mark

Can a ceasefire actually hold while all this is being negotiated?

Mimi

That's the real question. There's fighting happening right now. Both sides are accusing each other of violating the ceasefire. An aircraft was shot down—or so one side claims. Without a way to verify what actually happened, every incident becomes another reason not to trust the other side.

Luke

And that's the verification problem. If you can't agree on basic facts—who shot down a plane, who attacked civilians—how do you build a ceasefire on top of that?

Mark

So what would success actually look like?

Mimi

For Rwanda, it's credible progress on neutralizing the FDLR and addressing its security concerns. For the DRC, it's respect for sovereignty and withdrawal of Rwandan forces. For civilians, it's the guns falling silent.

Luke

But here's what we don't know yet: whether either side is actually willing to move on those points. Rwanda called the previous FDLR agreement insufficient. The DRC says it's meeting its commitments. That gap hasn't closed.

  • M23 controls Goma and Bukavu, fundamentally altering the ground reality that Geneva negotiators are attempting to diplomatically reverse.
  • Rwanda insists the DRC's steps to neutralize the FDLR are insufficient, while Kinshasa accuses Kigali of using that threat as cover for expansionist military presence on Congolese soil.
  • Two separate diplomatic tracks — Geneva for the DRC-Rwanda confrontation, Qatar-led talks for the DRC-M23 alliance dispute — address the same war through different doors, with no guarantee the outcomes will align.
  • A disputed incident involving an aircraft allegedly shot down on August 27 illustrates how the absence of a trusted verification mechanism turns every ceasefire violation into fresh fuel for conflict.
  • Civil society voices from Goma to Kinshasa are watching Geneva not for declarations, but for evidence that peace will reach the fields still being ravaged and the families still being displaced.

More than a year after signing a peace agreement, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Rwanda have returned to Geneva, where diplomats negotiate while soldiers continue to fight across eastern Congo. M23's capture of Goma in January 2025 reshaped the terrain these talks must now address, and the core tensions — over the FDLR armed group, Rwandan military presence, and the competing claims of security and sovereignty — remain unresolved. What hangs in the balance is not merely a diplomatic outcome but the daily lives of civilians who have endured displacement, loss, and recurring violence across North and South Kivu. History asks whether this round of dialogue can produce something the last one could not: commitments that are not only signed, but kept.

The Democratic Republic of the Congo and Rwanda are negotiating in Geneva again, more than a year after signing an agreement that was supposed to stop their confrontation. In eastern Congo, the fighting has not stopped. M23 captured Goma in January 2025 and later seized Bukavu, and the group now controls large portions of the eastern region while diplomats meet in Switzerland.

At the heart of the dispute is the FDLR — an armed group born from the aftermath of the 1994 genocide, whose presence near Rwanda's border Kigali has long treated as a direct security threat. The DRC says it is honoring its commitment to neutralize the group. Rwanda's president has called those efforts insufficient. Kinshasa, in turn, accuses Rwanda of harboring expansionist ambitions. The disagreement is not merely about pace — it reflects a deeper clash between Rwanda's demand for security guarantees and the DRC's insistence that no foreign military presence on its soil can be justified by those concerns.

M23 is not party to the Washington framework, but its territorial control shapes everything. A separate Qatar-led process addresses the DRC's dispute with the Congo River Alliance, the political umbrella under which M23 operates. The two diplomatic tracks are distinct, but the conflicts they address are not. A settlement between Kinshasa and Kigali could ease regional tensions without necessarily ending the fighting inside eastern DRC.

For residents of Goma, who have lived through repeated cycles of capture and displacement, the measure of Geneva is not the communiqué but the consequence. Activist Josue Akuzwe Walayi told Al Jazeera that people are still waiting for peace to reach their daily lives — fields are still being destroyed, displacement is still being reported. A disputed incident on August 27, in which the AFC-M23 alliance alleged that a humanitarian aircraft was shot down by the DRC army, underscores how quickly unverified events become new sources of confrontation. Without trusted verification mechanisms, no ceasefire can hold.

Civil society voices urge that Geneva not be dismissed simply because earlier efforts have failed. For Rwanda, meaningful progress means credible steps against the FDLR. For the DRC, it means respect for sovereignty and movement toward Rwandan withdrawal. For civilians, the test is more elemental: whether the guns finally go quiet. Sadiki Bitha, who lived through Goma's capture, says he still believes this meeting can offer a way forward — and that Congo and Rwanda might yet speak with one voice to silence them.

The Democratic Republic of the Congo and Rwanda are sitting down across from each other in Geneva again, more than a year after they signed an agreement meant to stop their confrontation. In eastern Congo, the guns have not stopped firing.

M23 fighters took the city of Goma in January 2025 and later seized Bukavu, the capital of South Kivu. They now control large swaths of the eastern region. The two governments are negotiating in Switzerland while, on the ground, their armies and allied militias continue to fight. The DRC is also holding separate talks with a political alliance backing M23. The conflicts the diplomats are trying to contain are not separate, even if the negotiations are.

At the root of the dispute between Kinshasa and Kigali sits the FDLR—the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda. The group emerged from the wreckage of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi, when members of the former Rwandan army and perpetrators of the killings fled across the border into what is now eastern DRC. Rwanda has long viewed the group's presence near its border as a direct security threat. Under a framework agreed in Washington, the DRC committed to a process of neutralizing the FDLR, including demobilization efforts. The Congolese government says that work is underway. But Rwandan President Paul Kagame called the agreement on the FDLR "insufficient" at the end of last month. Patrick Muyaya, the DRC's minister of information and government spokesperson, rejected that assessment, saying Kinshasa is honoring its commitments while accusing Rwanda of harboring "expansionist ambitions" in eastern DRC.

The disagreement runs deeper than whether the FDLR process is moving fast enough. It reflects a fundamental clash over security and sovereignty. Rwanda wants guarantees that armed groups hostile to it will not operate from Congolese soil. The DRC argues that Rwanda's security concerns cannot justify the presence of foreign forces on Congolese territory. What Kigali sees as a necessary security measure, Kinshasa sees as a violation of its sovereignty. That mistrust now sits at the center of the Geneva talks.

M23 is not a party to the Washington agreement, but the group is central to the conflict the agreement was supposed to help contain. M23 operates under the political umbrella of the Congo River Alliance, which is engaged in separate Qatar-led dialogue with Kinshasa. The Geneva process focuses on the confrontation between the DRC and Rwanda, while the Qatar process addresses the Congolese government's dispute with the alliance and M23. Yet on the ground, those conflicts cannot be easily separated. M23's territorial control shapes how Kinshasa calculates its moves. The DRC military's response affects the security environment along Rwanda's border. Rwanda's concerns about armed groups in eastern DRC are bound up with its position toward M23. Kinshasa continues to demand the withdrawal of Rwandan forces. A settlement between the two capitals could reduce regional tensions, but it would not necessarily end the fighting inside eastern DRC.

In Goma, residents have lived through repeated cycles of fighting and displacement. Sadiki Bitha, who experienced the city's capture in January 2025, is following the Geneva talks and wants the parties and their mediators to ensure that their commitments are actually honored. Josue Akuzwe Walayi, a pro-democracy activist in Kinshasa, said another round of talks will mean little unless people begin to see a change in their daily lives. "People are still waiting for the real benefits of peace that have been trumpeted for over a year," he told Al Jazeera. "Fields continue to be ravaged in the east, and further displacement is still being reported." He accuses Rwanda of supporting violence in eastern DRC and of invoking the FDLR threat to justify its military actions. "Rwanda prefers to attack us in order to secure its borders within our country, something we cannot accept," he said. Rwanda rejects accusations that it is pursuing territorial expansion.

While the talks continue, fighting persists in North and South Kivu between the DRC army and allied armed groups on one side and M23 fighters on the other. The AFC-M23 alliance has accused Kinshasa of attacking populated areas and violating the ceasefire. On August 27, the alliance said an aircraft carrying humanitarian aid had been shot down by the DRC army, describing it as a civilian aircraft. The DRC army's acting spokesperson declined to comment on the allegation. Without a trusted mechanism for establishing what actually happened, disputed incidents quickly become another source of confrontation. That makes verification central to whether any ceasefire can survive.

Herve Amani, a civil society activist, believes the Geneva meeting should not be dismissed simply because previous diplomatic efforts have failed. "This meeting in Switzerland should be seen as an opportunity rather than yet another diplomatic exercise," he told Al Jazeera. "We must not underestimate the difficulties, but we must also recognise that dialogue remains preferable to escalation." Geneva will not resolve decades of mistrust between Kinshasa and Kigali. Nor will it settle M23's position or, on its own, end the wider conflict in eastern DRC. But it can still matter if it produces commitments that are concrete, implementable and verifiable. For Rwanda, that means credible progress toward neutralizing the FDLR and addressing its security concerns. For the DRC, it means respect for its territorial sovereignty and progress toward the withdrawal of Rwandan forces. For civilians caught between armed groups and national armies, the test is simpler: whether the guns finally fall silent. Bitha, who lived through Goma's capture, says he still believes the Geneva meeting can offer a way forward. "We have high hopes for this meeting," he said. "We believe this is an opportunity for the people of Congo and Rwanda to speak with one voice and silence the guns by mutual agreement."

People are still waiting for the real benefits of peace that have been trumpeted for over a year. Fields continue to be ravaged in the east, and further displacement is still being reported.
— Josue Akuzwe Walayi, pro-democracy activist in Kinshasa
This meeting in Switzerland should be seen as an opportunity rather than yet another diplomatic exercise. We must not underestimate the difficulties, but we must also recognise that dialogue remains preferable to escalation.
— Herve Amani, civil society activist
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