The next victim of Marcelo Aro is my friend, the vice-governor
Em Belo Horizonte, o que começou como uma disputa política sobre a permanência de um presidente na Câmara Municipal transformou-se, segundo o próprio Gabriel Azevedo, em algo de natureza mais sombria: uma campanha de intimidação orquestrada por figuras do poder estadual contra aqueles que se recusam a ceder. A alegação de que vereadores são seguidos, telefones monitorados e aliados coagidos evoca uma tensão antiga entre o exercício legítimo da autoridade e o uso do poder como instrumento de silêncio. Quando o espaço político se torna palco de ameaças, é toda a confiança nas instituições que se vê ameaçada.
- Gabriel Azevedo afirma ter sido seguido ao sair de casa e ter o telefone monitorado — ameaças que, segundo ele, já chegaram ao conhecimento do vice-governador.
- Quatro vereadores aliados registraram boletins de ocorrência contra membros da chamada 'Família Aro', acusando-os de coerção para forçar a cassação do presidente da Câmara.
- Azevedo lança um alerta público: o vice-governador Mateus Simões seria o próximo alvo do secretário Marcelo Aro, escalando o conflito para o mais alto escalão do governo estadual.
- Pedidos formais foram encaminhados ao Ministério Público estadual e à ouvidoria para investigar a conduta de Aro, acusado de usar cargo público para interferir em assuntos municipais e judiciais.
- O presidente da Câmara adverte deputados estaduais de que a escalada de pressões pode alcançá-los em breve, sugerindo que o padrão de intimidação está se expandindo além do legislativo municipal.
Gabriel Azevedo, presidente da Câmara Municipal de Belo Horizonte, concedeu uma entrevista de rádio numa manhã de terça-feira carregado de urgência. Enquanto aguardava um encontro com o vice-governador Mateus Simões, descreveu um cenário que, em sua visão, havia ultrapassado os limites de uma simples disputa política: vereadores aliados estariam sendo ameaçados e coagidos por membros da chamada 'Família Aro' — expressão que remete a Marcelo Aro, secretário de assuntos civis do governo estadual — como forma de pressão para que apoiassem sua cassação.
Dias antes, num sábado, Azevedo e três outros vereadores haviam registrado boletins de ocorrência com acusações específicas de ameaças e coerção. O presidente da Câmara já havia enviado carta formal ao vice-governador pedindo proteção policial para todos os parlamentares que se sentissem em risco por sua posição política.
Durante a transmissão ao vivo, Azevedo foi além das preocupações com sua própria segurança. Afirmou que o próprio Simões seria a próxima vítima de Aro, e dirigiu-se diretamente ao governador para alertá-lo. Descreveu ainda um episódio do dia anterior: duas pessoas postadas em frente à sua residência, uma perseguição ao sair de casa e a suspeita de que seu telefone estava sendo monitorado — detalhes que, segundo ele, o vice-governador já conhecia. A inteligência da Polícia Militar, acrescentou, já estava a par da situação.
Sua resposta foi institucional e combativa. Formalizou pedidos de investigação ao Ministério Público estadual e à ouvidoria, apontando Aro como alguém que usava um cargo de Estado para interferir em questões municipais e até judiciais. As declarações públicas do secretário — que chegou a chamar Azevedo de criminoso e pediu abertamente sua saída — eram, para o presidente da Câmara, uma linha que não deveria ser cruzada por um alto funcionário do governo. Por fim, Azevedo alertou deputados estaduais: depois de Simões, outro nome político seria o próximo alvo. O que começara como uma crise interna da Câmara havia se transformado, em seu relato, numa campanha de intimidação com ramificações em múltiplos poderes.
Gabriel Azevedo, president of Belo Horizonte's city council, sat down for a radio interview on a Tuesday morning with something urgent on his mind. He was waiting for a meeting with the state's vice-governor, Mateus Simões, to discuss a pattern of threats that he and allied councilors believed they were facing. The reason, he said, was their refusal to support his removal from office.
Days earlier, on a Saturday, Azevedo and three other councilors had filed police reports. Their complaint named members of what locals call the "Aro Family"—a reference to Marcelo Aro, the state government's secretary of civil affairs. The allegations were specific: threats and coercion aimed at silencing lawmakers who opposed Azevedo's cassation. Azevedo had already sent a formal letter to the vice-governor requesting police protection for all councilors who felt endangered by their political stance.
But Azevedo's concerns extended beyond his own safety. During the radio broadcast, he made a striking claim: the vice-governor himself was in danger. "The next victim of Marcelo Aro is my friend, Vice-Governor Mateus Simões," he said, speaking directly to the governor. He emphasized their personal history—they had served together in the city council and remained close. Simões, he noted, was already aware of the situation and had spoken with him about it. Military police intelligence, Azevedo added, was already assisting him.
The council president then described an incident from the previous day that he characterized as serious and suspicious. Two people had been stationed outside his home. When he left the house, he was followed. He claimed his phone was being monitored—a detail he said the vice-governor knew about. These were not abstract concerns; they were specific allegations of surveillance and intimidation happening in real time.
Azevedo's response went beyond seeking protection. He had filed formal requests with the state's public prosecutor's office and the state ombudsman, asking them to investigate Aro's conduct. His grievance was that Aro, as a state official, was using his position to interfere not just in city council matters but potentially in municipal and even judicial affairs. The secretary's public statements troubled him most. Aro had called for Azevedo's removal and used harsh language—calling him a criminal. For someone holding high office in the governor's administration, Azevedo argued, this crossed a line.
He went further still, issuing what amounted to a warning to state legislators. After Simões, he suggested, the next target would be another political figure he referred to as "Tadeuzinho." The pattern, as Azevedo described it, was one of escalating pressure and intimidation directed at those who stood in the way of removing him from the city council presidency. What had begun as a political dispute over his tenure had, in his telling, become something darker—a campaign of threats backed by state power, reaching into multiple branches of government and touching the lives of ordinary citizens trying to do their jobs.
Notable Quotes
The next victim of Marcelo Aro is my friend, Vice-Governor Mateus Simões. I need to be clear about that here.— Gabriel Azevedo, city council president
The declarations of the secretary of civil affairs are serious. He encourages my removal, he called me a criminal. This is not the posture of someone in the governor's government.— Gabriel Azevedo
The Hearth Conversation Another angle on the story
Why does Azevedo believe the vice-governor is in danger specifically?
Because Simões has shown him support and knows about the threats. Azevedo sees a pattern where anyone who stands against his removal becomes a target.
What's the significance of filing reports with the prosecutor and ombudsman rather than just going to police?
It signals he believes the threat goes higher than local law enforcement can handle. He's suggesting state-level corruption, not just street-level intimidation.
The phone tapping claim—how does he know this is happening?
He doesn't say explicitly. But he's stated it as fact to a radio audience and to the vice-governor. Whether it's provable or not, he believes it's real enough to mention publicly.
What does Aro gain from this alleged campaign?
Removing Azevedo from the council presidency. But Azevedo's framing it as something bigger—Aro using state power to reshape local politics in his favor.
Is this a power struggle between two factions, or something else?
It's both. On the surface, a fight over who leads the city council. But Azevedo is describing it as an abuse of state authority—a secretary using his position to intimidate and coerce.
Why go public with this on radio instead of handling it quietly?
Because quiet hasn't worked. He's trying to create a record, alert allies, and pressure the vice-governor and state authorities to act. Public pressure is his leverage.