Labor councillor denies damaging Elliott message linked to developer payments

His complaint was that Elliott was backgrounding against him
Maheswaran's explanation of what Nassif told him about the minister's opposition, contradicting his own earlier written statement.
Mark

So Maheswaran is saying the message about "killing Elliott" was just about factional Liberal politics, not about Nassif's business interests?

Mimi

That's his claim. He says he and Greenwood had a common interest in attacking the Hawke faction. But the timing and the context make it hard to separate—Maheswaran was already working for Nassif by then, and Elliott had been blocking Nassif's developments.

Luke

Wait—was Maheswaran working for Nassif in February 2020? The source says he became an executive at Toplace in September 2020, but he was subcontracted through EA Legal in late 2019. So the timeline matters here. If he wasn't formally on Nassif's payroll yet, maybe the message really was just about factional stuff.

Mimi

Fair point. But Dwyer showed him a 2022 statutory declaration where Maheswaran himself wrote that Nassif had spoken to Elliott about opposing his developments. So Maheswaran knew the connection existed.

Mark

And then Maheswaran said Nassif lied about that?

Mimi

Yes. He said Nassif's complaint was that Elliott was "backgrounding against him to the media," not specifically about planning objections. But Dwyer had the written evidence contradicting him.

Luke

So we have Maheswaran denying something, then being shown his own words saying the opposite. That's a credibility problem, but it's not proof of the underlying corruption charge. The inquiry is trying to show he helped Nassif damage Elliott's reputation in exchange for money. The contradictions suggest he's not being straight, but they don't prove the quid pro quo.

Mark

What about the $1.4 million he was paid?

Mimi

That's the other piece. He received $1.4 million from Toplace between 2020 and 2023, but he didn't disclose being a close associate of a property developer when he ran for council in 2021. That's a separate legal violation.

Luke

Though the source doesn't say what work he actually did to earn that money. Was it legitimate legal work, or was it payment for political favors? That's still unclear from what we have here.

Mark

So the inquiry is still ongoing?

Mimi

Yes. And Karen Pensabene, the other councillor involved, was excused for medical reasons. The commission is investigating whether both of them engaged in conduct toward the former mayor that could amount to dishonest exercise of their functions, breach of public trust, and possibly blackmail.

  • A message reading 'We have something that will kill Elliott' sits at the centre of the inquiry, and Maheswaran's explanation for it keeps shifting under sustained questioning.
  • ICAC is probing whether $2 million in prohibited donations from fugitive developer Jean Nassif was exchanged for political outcomes — including the deliberate destruction of a sitting minister's career.
  • Maheswaran's own 2022 statutory declaration contradicted his sworn testimony that Nassif never told him Elliott opposed Toplace developments, leaving a stark inconsistency on the record.
  • Despite receiving $1.4 million from Toplace between 2020 and 2023, Maheswaran did not disclose his close association with a property developer when he stood for council in 2021, as the law required.
  • Fellow councillor Karen Pensabene, also under investigation for conduct that may constitute blackmail and breach of public trust, was excused from appearing for medical reasons — leaving her arc unresolved.
  • The inquiry is moving toward potential charges involving dishonest exercise of council functions, and the accumulating contradictions in Maheswaran's testimony are drawing the commission's focus tighter.

In the long tradition of inquiries that ask whether public service was rendered to the public or to private interest, a former Labor councillor in New South Wales found himself before the Independent Commission Against Corruption on Friday, defending the meaning of a single damning message. Sharangan Maheswaran, who received $1.4 million from a fugitive developer's company while serving on council, insists that talk of destroying a minister's career was merely factional Liberal politics — not the currency of a corrupt arrangement. The commission is weighing whether that distinction holds, or whether the line between political rivalry and paid political sabotage was deliberately blurred.

A former Labor councillor appeared before New South Wales's anti-corruption commission on Friday, denying that a message about destroying a Liberal minister's reputation had anything to do with political work he was performing for a fugitive property developer. Sharangan Maheswaran told ICAC that when lobbyist Jeremy Greenwood wrote to him saying 'We have something that will kill Elliott,' the exchange reflected only their shared hostility toward the Hawke faction within the Liberal Party — not any arrangement involving developer Jean Nassif or Greenwood's lobbying firm, Beckington.

The commission is investigating whether Greenwood and two associates anticipated $2 million in prohibited donations from Nassif in return for political outcomes, chief among them damage to the career of former NSW minister David Elliott, who had opposed Nassif's Toplace developments. All parties have denied that Nassif paid for political results. But when counsel Dwyer pressed Maheswaran on the February 2020 messages, his account began to show strain. Maheswaran conceded a common interest with Greenwood regarding the Hawke faction, yet insisted the messages were entirely separate from Beckington's work for Nassif.

The questioning grew sharper when Dwyer asked whether Nassif had ever told Maheswaran that Elliott was blocking his proposals. Maheswaran called this 'a new invention by Mr Nassif' and, pushed further, said Nassif had lied to the commission. Dwyer then produced a statutory declaration Maheswaran himself had written in 2022, in which he stated that Nassif had spoken to him about Elliott's opposition to Toplace. The contradiction was left to stand in the record.

Maheswaran came to know Nassif through his daughter Ashlyn, who was recently sentenced after pleading guilty to providing false information to secure a $150 million construction loan. In late 2019, Maheswaran was subcontracted to work for Toplace through a company called Anwalt Pty Ltd — a company he was, under questioning, the sole shareholder and sole employee of. Between 2020 and 2023, Toplace paid him $1.4 million. When he stood for council in 2021, he did not disclose his close association with a property developer, as the law required.

The commission is also examining whether Maheswaran and fellow councillor Karen Pensabene engaged in conduct toward former mayor Matthew Blackmore that could constitute dishonest exercise of official functions and possibly blackmail. Pensabene was excused from her summons on medical grounds. What the inquiry has so far produced is a portrait of shifting explanations and self-contradiction — the kind of record that tends to invite exactly the scrutiny a corruption commission exists to apply.

A former Labor councillor took the stand at an anti-corruption inquiry on Friday to deny that a message about destroying a Liberal minister's reputation was connected to political work he was doing for a fugitive property developer. Sharangan Maheswaran told the Independent Commission Against Corruption that when lobbyist Jeremy Greenwood wrote to him saying "We have something that will kill Elliott," the message had nothing to do with Greenwood's company Beckington working on behalf of developer Jean Nassif. Instead, Maheswaran said he and Greenwood shared a common interest in attacking the Hawke faction within the Liberal party.

The inquiry is examining whether Greenwood, Charles Perrottet, and Christian Ellis anticipated receiving $2 million in prohibited donations from Nassif in exchange for political outcomes—specifically, damage to the career of former NSW Liberal minister David Elliott, who had opposed Toplace developments that Nassif was pushing. All three men have denied that Nassif paid for political outcomes. The stakes are substantial: the commission is investigating whether Maheswaran and fellow Labor councillor Karen Pensabene engaged in conduct toward former mayor Matthew Blackmore that could constitute dishonest exercise of their official functions, breaches of public trust, and possibly blackmail.

When the inquiry's counsel, Dwyer, pressed Maheswaran on the February 2020 exchange with Greenwood, the councillor's position began to fracture. Maheswaran had replied to Greenwood's message by saying his own ears were "ringing" because he had just picked up the phone with something "decent"—a story the Sydney Morning Herald was about to run against Liberal MP Alex Hawke, tied to an ALP bill banning developers. Dwyer suggested the messages showed Maheswaran and Beckington shared a common interest in damaging Elliott's reputation. Maheswaran conceded he had a common interest with Greenwood regarding the Hawke faction, but insisted the messages had nothing to do with Beckington's work for Nassif.

The questioning then turned to what Nassif had told Maheswaran about Elliott. When asked if Nassif had mentioned that Elliott was objecting to Toplace proposals, Maheswaran called this "a new invention by Mr Nassif." Dwyer pressed harder, asking if Maheswaran was seriously contending that Nassif had never told him Elliott was objecting to his proposals—and if so, was Maheswaran suggesting Nassif had lied to the commission? Maheswaran said yes, Nassif had lied. But then Dwyer showed him a draft statutory declaration Maheswaran himself had written in 2022 in which he stated that Nassif had spoken to Elliott about his opposition to Toplace developments. The contradiction hung in the air.

Maheswaran came to know Nassif through Nassif's daughter Ashlyn, who was sentenced earlier this month to a six-month community corrections order after pleading guilty to providing false or misleading information to obtain a $150 million construction loan from Westpac. In late 2019, Maheswaran was subcontracted to do work for Toplace through Ashlyn Nassif and her sister Evelyn Helou's law firm, EA Legal, using a company called Anwalt Pty Ltd. When Dwyer suggested that Maheswaran and Anwalt were essentially the same entity, Maheswaran objected, calling the suggestion "nonsensical from a corporation's perspective." But under questioning, he conceded he was the only shareholder and employee of Anwalt at the time, and that he was the only person doing any actual work.

Between 2020 and 2023, Toplace paid Maheswaran $1.4 million. Yet when he nominated for council in 2021, he did not disclose that he was a close associate of a property developer—a disclosure required by law, Dwyer noted. Maheswaran had previously told Guardian Australia that he had "every confidence that my actions will be regarded by the public and by any fair tribunal to be lawful and entirely in the public interest." The inquiry continues, with fellow councillor Karen Pensabene excused from her summons for medical reasons. What emerges from Maheswaran's testimony is a pattern of shifting explanations and contradictions between what he said under oath and what he had written years earlier—the kind of inconsistency that typically invites closer scrutiny from a commission tasked with investigating whether public officials have abused their trust.

We have something that will kill Elliott
— Jeremy Greenwood, in a message to Maheswaran
I have every confidence that my actions will be regarded by the public and by any fair tribunal to be lawful and entirely in the public interest
— Sharangan Maheswaran, in a statement to Guardian Australia
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