Five European Immigration Crackdowns, and How the UK's Asylum Overhaul Compares

Asylum seekers face prison terms in Greece, summary returns from Poland's Belarus border without individual assessment, and austere conditions in Danish departure centres, according to rights groups.
Either you go to jail or return to your homeland.
Greek migration minister Thanos Plevris summed up his country's law on rejected asylum seekers.
Mark

Why does this comparison matter for Britain right now?

Mimi

Because Shabana Mahmood's overhaul is openly modelled on Denmark. Temporary refugee status, integration conditions and asset seizure all have Danish precedents.

Mark

And the other four countries?

Mimi

They show the range. Greece uses prison terms, Hungary closes domestic asylum, Poland suspends it at the Belarus border, Italy goes offshore.

Luke

The Danish figure deserves care, though. Claims fell from over 21,000 in 2015 to about 1,800 in 2025, and the 2025 number is provisional. The piece doesn't show how much of the drop the policies caused.

Mimi

Fair. It reports the decline and credits the model, but it doesn't isolate causes.

Mark

What about the legal side?

Mimi

Hungary was fined €200m with €1m a day on top. Italy's transfers were blocked until the European Court of Justice set conditions.

Luke

Note that the Italian blockade law is only a draft, and the criticism from Sea Watch and Doctors Without Borders is their characterisation, not a court finding.

Mark

Anything about human cost?

Mimi

Rights groups describe austere Danish departure centres, and Amnesty says Poland's pushbacks ignore individual circumstances.

Luke

Both are attributed claims. The piece gives no independent data on conditions or outcomes.

  • Greece has jailed the failed asylum seeker: two to five years for those who do not leave within 14 days, and up to 10 years for those who help others stay irregularly.
  • Hungary's embassy-first system has been struck down in Luxembourg, with a €200m fine and a daily penalty that keeps the pressure on Budapest.
  • Poland's frontier wall and suspended asylum right at the Belarus border have drawn Amnesty's charge of unlawful pushbacks while deportations have more than doubled.
  • Italy's Albanian hubs have cleared their legal hurdle, yet a proposed navy blockade threatens rescue ships and still awaits parliament.
  • Denmark's numbers have fallen roughly 91 per cent since 2015, and Britain is now drafting its own version of temporary status and asset seizure.

On the morning Shabana Mahmood pledged a 'firm but fair' asylum system in London, the country was reckoning with an old human question: how a nation protects the stranger at its gate without losing hold of its own doors. The i Paper's survey of five European states shows that the answer is being written differently across the continent, from Greek prison sentences to Danish departure centres. Some of these experiments have been checked by courts, others by the quiet weight of falling numbers. Britain, borrowing most from Denmark, now stands among them, watching how far a government can tighten without crossing the lines that others have found hard to hold.

Speaking in London, Home Secretary Shabana Mahmood promised a 'firm but fair' asylum system, insisting that restoring control at the border does not betray Labour's values and that genuine refugees would still be protected. Her plans lean heavily on Denmark, but Britain is one of many European states tightening their stance. The i Paper compared five of them.

Greece has gone furthest. Its parliament now jails failed asylum seekers who stay beyond 14 days, raises fines sharply, extends detention and introduces ankle monitoring. The migration minister put the choice plainly: jail or go home. Helping someone stay irregularly can now bring a decade in prison.

Hungary has, in practice, closed asylum on its own soil. Would-be claimants must first file a declaration at an embassy outside the EU, and in four years only 99 were lodged. The European Court of Justice fined Budapest heavily, calling its conduct an exceptionally serious breach, yet Viktor Orbán vows it will not take a single migrant under the EU's new pact.

Poland has suspended the asylum right on its Belarus border, while building a steel wall, buffer zones and surveillance along the frontier. Amnesty says people are pushed back without assessment, and deportations have more than doubled.

Italy's Albanian centres, which can hold up to 3,000 people, have finally cleared the courts after Meloni's government insisted it would work. A proposed naval blockade, aimed largely at aid vessels, still needs parliamentary approval, and rescue groups warn it would target people in danger at sea.

Denmark, the model Britain studies most closely, grants short renewable permits, long waits for settlement, and asset seizure above a set value. Its departure centres are criticised for harsh conditions, but applications have fallen from over 21,000 in 2015 to about 1,800 last year.

Britain's reforms already echo Denmark on temporary status and integration, and plan asset seizure too. Whether it can follow that path without the legal reverses met by Hungary and Italy will shape the debate ahead.

Speaking in London this morning, Home Secretary Shabana Mahmood promised to build a "firm but fair asylum system". She argued that restoring control at the borders is not a betrayal of Labour values, and said the UK would always offer protection to genuine refugees. Her overhaul draws heavily on Danish policy, but Britain is far from alone in hardening its stance. The i Paper looked at five European countries and set each against what the UK does now.

Greece has moved some of the furthest. In September 2025 its parliament passed a law imposing prison terms of two to five years on asylum seekers whose claims fail and who do not leave within 14 days. Fines rose to €10,000 for illegal entry and up to €30,000 for re-entry after a rejected claim. Maximum detention went from 18 to 24 months, and electronic ankle monitoring was introduced. Migration minister Thanos Plevris put the choice bluntly: jail or return home. In February, Greece went further. It scrapped the route that let undocumented migrants apply for residence after seven years, and set penalties of up to 10 years in prison and fines of at least €50,000 for helping someone enter or stay irregularly. In the UK, entering or overstaying illegally is also a crime, but there is no fixed short deadline, and prosecutions usually target serious or repeated breaches.

Hungary has effectively shut off asylum on its own territory. Since May 2020, anyone seeking protection must first lodge a "declaration of intent" at a designated embassy outside the EU, usually in Belgrade, previously in Kyiv. Only then can they enter Hungary to make a formal claim. From June 2020 to the end of 2023, just 99 declarations were submitted and 21 applicants received a single-entry permit. Only 30 asylum applications were recorded in 2023. European courts have repeatedly found this breaches EU law. In June 2024 the Court of Justice of the European Union fined Hungary €200m, plus €1m a day until it complies, calling the conduct an "unprecedented and exceptionally serious infringement". Prime minister Viktor Orbán has defended the system as protecting sovereignty and said Hungary would not take "a single migrant" under the EU Migration Pact due in 2026. The UK, by contrast, accepts asylum claims from people already in the country, however they arrived.

Poland has suspended the right to claim asylum at its Belarus border since March 2025. Amnesty International says this lets guards ignore applications and push people back into Belarus, and calls it incompatible with international law and the Polish constitution. The €2.5bn East Shield programme adds a 5.5-metre steel wall along the 186-kilometre frontier with Belarus and Russia's Kaliningrad neighbour, fitted with cameras, motion sensors, anti-tank ditches and bunkers. A 78-kilometre buffer zone restricts civilians, journalists and NGOs, and airspace limits cover private flights and drones. Deportations more than doubled in 2025 to over 2,100, and a nationwide operation in early 2026 detained 140 people with irregular status. The UK neither suspends asylum at its border nor keeps exclusion zones.

Italy's centrepiece under prime minister Giorgia Meloni is the Albania "return hub" deal, ratified in 2024. It allows up to 3,000 asylum seekers at a time to be held in Italian-run centres at Shëngjin and Gjadër while Italy processes their claims. Italian courts first blocked transfers, finding Italy's list of safe countries of origin, which includes Egypt and Bangladesh, did not match EU law. In 2025 the European Court of Justice confirmed such designations must meet strict standards and face judicial review, clearing the way for the hubs. Meloni said last November: "Two years have been lost, but we are determined to move forward, and it will work." Draft legislation tabled in February would let the navy impose 30-day blockades, renewable up to six months, with fines up to €50,000 and ship seizure for repeat violators, mainly aimed at NGO vessels. It still needs parliamentary approval. Sea Watch and Doctors Without Borders say it targets those rescuing people in distress. The UK has no offshore centres or blockades; Labour dropped the Conservatives' Rwanda plan after the election.

Denmark is the model Britain is studying most closely. Most refugees get one- to two-year permits that must be renewed, and typically wait eight years of continuous residence before permanent status is possible. "Departure centres" house asylum seekers and encourage voluntary return; rights groups criticise their austere conditions. Authorities can take non-sentimental assets above a set value from refused applicants to cover accommodation, and welfare is tied to cooperation with return plans. Refugees must take intensive language and integration classes and show they are seeking work. Provisional figures put applications at about 1,800 in 2025, down from over 21,000 in 2015, roughly 91 per cent.

The UK's emerging reforms echo Denmark on temporary status with periodic review and integration conditions including English-language requirements, and it plans to allow seizure of non-sentimental assets from refused applicants. How closely Britain follows Denmark, and whether it faces the legal obstacles that met Hungary and Italy, will shape the debate ahead.

Restoring control at our borders is not a betrayal of Labour values.
— Home Secretary Shabana Mahmood
Two years have been lost, but we are determined to move forward, and it will work.
— Italian prime minister Giorgia Meloni, November
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