Jiménez Losantos: Ayuso heredará el PP tras "uno o dos gobiernos" de Feijóo

She knew her moment would come after one or two Feijóo governments
Jiménez Losantos on Ayuso's strategic patience and understanding of her path to PP leadership.

Jiménez Losantos claims the Spanish right has systematically rejected core values of its base—property, family, tradition—since the transition, creating a crisis of representation. The commentator credits Ayuso as an exceptional leader with clear political vision and loyalty to her base, distinguishing her from other PP figures he criticizes as weak or opportunistic.

  • Jiménez Losantos: 25 years as conservative radio commentator on Cope and Esradio
  • Ayuso drafted dissolution decree on first day with Ciudadanos, held it for two years
  • Feijóo arrived as PP leader after Casado's failed attempt to destroy Ayuso
  • Jiménez Losantos predicts Ayuso will inherit PP after one or two Feijóo governments

Conservative radio commentator Federico Jiménez Losantos argues Spain's right-wing parties have abandoned their social base values, predicting Isabel Díaz Ayuso will eventually lead the PP after Feijóo's tenure.

Federico Jiménez Losantos has spent a quarter-century as one of Spain's sharpest conservative voices, first on Cope radio and later on Esradio, building a reputation as both fierce defender and unsparing critic of the right. His new book, "El retorno de la derecha," returns to familiar terrain: the argument that Spain's political right has systematically betrayed the values of its own voters.

The core complaint runs deep. Jiménez Losantos contends that since Spain's transition to democracy, conservative politicians have grown uncomfortable with the very principles their supporters hold dear—property ownership, family, national identity, religious tradition, education, hard work, thrift. This discomfort, he argues, has driven voters to chase one party after another: UCD, AP, the PP, Ciudadanos, Vox. The right's social base, he insists, never abandoned these values. The politicians did.

He traces this pattern through decades of leadership. José María Aznar's first term maintained the connection and delivered prosperity. The second term, Jiménez Losantos suggests, was derailed by Aznar's ego. Then came Zapatero—a "nuclear bomb" for the right—followed by Mariano Rajoy, whom he calls "the great traitor" for abandoning his base and leaving them feeling forgotten and humiliated. The pattern repeated with other leaders: Rivera, Casado. Each, in his telling, prioritized something other than the interests of the social right.

This abandonment created space for two phenomena. Vox emerged as a patriotic correction to what Rajoy had become, especially after Catalonia's independence crisis found the PP seemingly passive. But more significantly, Isabel Díaz Ayuso appeared—what Jiménez Losantos describes as a "rock star" figure, born from the particular crisis of the pandemic, offering something the right had not seen in democracy before: a leader who actually seemed to understand and defend her base.

Where Jiménez Losantos once offered unconditional support to Vox, he now sees the party turning inward, mistaking the PP for its real enemy when the left remains the actual threat. He criticizes what he calls toxic elements within Vox—connections to groups like Hazte Oír and the Yunque, which he describes as a condemned sect—and a social media culture that rivals Podemos in its grip on followers' sense of reality.

Alberto Núñez Feijóo, the current PP leader, receives a more measured assessment. Jiménez Losantos acknowledges Feijóo arrived almost by accident—Casado's attempt to destroy Ayuso backfired, killing Casado instead. He suggests Feijóo is more capable than he appears but has failed to build a real team, surrounding himself with loyalists from Galicia rather than drawing on the party's best talent. Feijóo demanded to be chosen by acclamation, a sign of consensus leadership rather than natural authority.

But the real succession story belongs to Ayuso. Jiménez Losantos describes her as cerebral, calculating, solitary—a politician with a carefully thought-out project. She drafted a dissolution decree on her first day in office with Ciudadanos but held it for two years, knowing they would betray her. When Casado later offered a pact if she would cancel a protest march outside party headquarters, she refused. She had the chance to break the party and form her own; she chose to wait. This, Jiménez Losantos argues, reveals not just cunning but genuine value and clarity of purpose. She remains loyal to her base and to the party itself, understanding that her moment will come. After one or two Feijóo governments, he predicts, she will inherit the PP—not because she seized it, but because she knew how to wait.

The right's political representatives have felt uncomfortable with the values of their social base since the transition to democracy
— Federico Jiménez Losantos
Ayuso knows her moment will arrive; she has clarity of purpose and loyalty to her base
— Federico Jiménez Losantos
The Hearth Conversation Another angle on the story
Inventor

You've spent decades watching the Spanish right. What made you decide Ayuso was different from the others you've criticized?

Model

She actually stayed. When the party turned on her, when they slandered her, she could have left and built something new. People were pushing her to do exactly that. But she understood something the others didn't—that the party itself matters more than any individual's moment.

Inventor

That sounds like patience. But is patience the same as strength?

Model

In her case, yes. It takes more strength to absorb that kind of attack and remain than to break away. She knew her base wouldn't follow her into a new party. They needed the institution. So she waited, and she was right.

Inventor

You've been critical of Feijóo. Do you think he understands what Ayuso understands?

Model

Feijóo is capable, but he's surrounded himself with people like him instead of people better than him. He had the chance to pull in the real talent—Ayuso, Cayetana, Vidal Quadras. He didn't. That's a choice that reveals something about how he sees power.

Inventor

And Vox? You were their strongest defender.

Model

Vox was supposed to be the conscience of the right, not its competitor. They were supposed to keep the PP honest, to prevent it from drifting left the way it always does. But somewhere they started believing the PP was the enemy. That's when they lost their purpose.

Inventor

What does the right need now?

Model

It needs to remember what its voters actually believe in. Not what Brussels thinks, not what the left says it should believe. Its own people—the ones who own small businesses, who go to church, who love Spain. That's the base. Everything else is noise.

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