In Saxony-Anhalt on Sunday, Germany's far-right Alternative für Deutschland claimed nearly 44 percent of the vote, its strongest regional result ever, while the parties that have governed Germany for generations were reduced to fractions of their former selves. The result is not merely a local tremor but one data point in a continental pattern: far-right movements now command roughly one in four European votes, a proportion that has grown nearly fivefold since the mid-1990s. Political scientists are wrestling with whether the mainstream's refusal to govern alongside these parties has inadverte
Europe's mainstream parties face reckoning as far-right surge reshapes continent
There is no cordon around their ideas.
So the AfD got 43.8 percent in one state election. That's significant, but is it actually a sign of something continent-wide, or are we reading too much into one result?
It's both. Saxony-Anhalt is particular—it's been a far-right stronghold for years, with support running double the national average. So yes, you can't treat this as proof that all of Germany is about to turn. But the AfD also leads in national polls now, and it's competitive even in liberal Berlin. The state result is the most dramatic expression of a trend that's been building for a decade.
Let's be precise about that trend. The research says nearly one in four Europeans now vote far-right, up from 5 percent in 1995. But that's aggregated across 31 countries. Some of those countries have far-right parties in government already. Others barely have them. What does that 23 percent number actually tell us?
It tells you the scale has shifted fundamentally. In 1995, far-right parties were marginal across most of Europe. Now they're a quarter of the electorate. That's not noise.
But why? What changed? Is it the firewall strategy—the fact that mainstream parties won't work with them?
That's what some people argue. By keeping the AfD out of power, Germany's establishment parties protected it from the compromises and failures that come with governing. Meanwhile, the centre got weaker and weaker, forced into unstable coalitions that accomplished nothing.
Except the data doesn't support that. Research on 1,300 governments found far-right parties actually increased their vote share by six points on average after entering government. So the firewall probably isn't the main problem.
Then what is?
Two things. First, mainstream governments have failed to address the cost-of-living crisis. Voters are frustrated and angry. Second, and maybe more important, far-right ideas have become normalised. Immigration used to be a fringe concern. Now it's central to how people vote. Media and mainstream parties have legitimised these ideas by adopting far-right framing.
So the firewall debate is almost beside the point?
Exactly. Far-right politics dominate the centre of debate now whether or not far-right parties are in power. There's no cordon around their ideas anymore.
What happens next?
Sweden votes next weekend. France has a presidential election in spring. Italy, Spain, Poland—all holding key races. Far-right parties are polling strongly everywhere. This could reshape the continent.
Der Puls
- The AfD's 43.8% in Saxony-Anhalt left the CDU at 17.2% and the SPD at 9.3%, a collapse so severe that the political centre did not survive the day intact.
- A party Germany's own intelligence service designates as confirmed rightwing extremist now sits within reach of governing power in a German state for the first time since the Second World War.
- Across 31 countries, more than 150 political scientists confirm that nearly one in four European voters now back far-right parties — a fivefold rise since 1995, accelerating sharply in just the past three years.
- The mainstream 'firewall' strategy — refusing to govern alongside far-right parties — is under fierce debate: critics say it shields the AfD from the failures of governing, while research suggests far-right parties actually gain votes when they do enter power.
- With elections imminent in Sweden, France, Austria, and beyond, Europe's centrist leaders are speaking openly of a grave moment, unsure whether they face a temporary surge or a permanent realignment.
In Saxony-Anhalt on Sunday, Germany's far-right Alternative für Deutschland claimed nearly 44 percent of the vote, its strongest regional result ever, while the parties that have governed Germany for generations were reduced to fractions of their former selves. The result is not merely a local tremor but one data point in a continental pattern: far-right movements now command roughly one in four European votes, a proportion that has grown nearly fivefold since the mid-1990s. Political scientists are wrestling with whether the mainstream's refusal to govern alongside these parties has inadvertently protected them from accountability, or whether something deeper — a crisis of faith in centrist governance itself — has made the old political order genuinely obsolete.
On Sunday, voters in Saxony-Anhalt handed the AfD nearly 44 percent of the vote — nearly double its previous performance in the state and its strongest regional result to date. The CDU fell to 17.2 percent, less than half what it managed five years ago. The SPD scraped together 9.3 percent. The political middle did not survive the day.
The AfD's rise carries particular weight given what the party represents. It traffics in Nazi imagery, draws biological distinctions between Germans, and sits so far to the right that Marine Le Pen considers it beyond the pale. Its eastern branch carries an official designation as confirmed rightwing extremist. With 39 seats in an 83-member parliament, the party now sits closer to governing power in a German state than any far-right movement has since the Second World War.
Saxony-Anhalt has long backed the AfD at roughly double the national average, making it less a harbinger than a window into already-primed terrain. Yet the broader European pattern is unmistakable. Research coordinated across 31 countries found that nearly one in four European voters now back far-right parties — up from roughly 5 percent in the mid-1990s, with the climb accelerating sharply in just the past three years. Far-right movements govern in Croatia, Czechia, Italy, and Finland, prop up Sweden's minority government, and lead polls in Austria, Belgium, France, and Germany.
Why has the centre collapsed so thoroughly? Mainstream parties have maintained a firewall, refusing to govern alongside far-right movements. Critics argue this has backfired — shielding the AfD from the grinding failures of governance while forcing centrists into unstable coalitions that accomplish little. Yet research examining over 1,300 governments across 57 countries found that far-right parties entering government actually increased their vote share by an average of six points at the next election, suggesting the firewall is not the culprit.
Analysts instead point to two deeper forces: the persistent failure of mainstream governments to address the cost-of-living crisis, and the gradual normalisation of far-right ideas themselves. Voter attitudes on immigration have not shifted dramatically, but these issues have become far more decisive at the ballot box, amplified by media coverage and mainstream parties adopting far-right framing. As one political scientist observed, far-right politics now dominate the centre of debate regardless of whether far-right parties hold office. There is no cordon around their ideas.
Sweden votes next weekend. France faces a presidential ballot in spring. Italy, Spain, and Poland hold key races later in the year. Whether this moment represents a temporary surge or a durable realignment remains genuinely unclear — but the numbers suggest the centre's long dominance has ended.
On Sunday, voters in Saxony-Anhalt handed the Alternative für Deutschland nearly 44 percent of the vote—a result that nearly doubled the party's previous performance in the state and marked its strongest showing in any regional election to date. The centre-right CDU, led by Chancellor Friedrich Merz, fell to 17.2 percent, less than half what it managed five years earlier. The centre-left SPD, which has anchored German governance for roughly six decades, scraped together 9.3 percent. The political middle, in other words, did not survive the day intact.
The AfD's ascent matters partly because of what the party represents. It traffics in Nazi imagery, draws distinctions between Germans by biology and those by passport, and has positioned itself so far to the right that even Marine Le Pen, France's far-right standard-bearer, considers it beyond the pale. The party's eastern branch carries an official designation from Germany's domestic intelligence service: confirmed rightwing extremist. With 39 seats in an 83-member parliament, the AfD now sits tantalizingly close to governing power in a German state—closer than any far-right party has come since the Second World War.
Yet Saxony-Anhalt, a state of 1.8 million people, has long been particular terrain. It has consistently backed the AfD at roughly double the national average over the past decade, making it less a harbinger of Germany's future than a window into a region already primed for the party's message. Political scientists caution against treating a single regional result as proof of continental transformation. Still, the AfD leads in national polling. It is ahead in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, where elections arrive later this month. It places second even in liberal Berlin. And the broader pattern across Europe is unmistakable.
Research coordinated by more than 150 political scientists across 31 countries found that nearly one in four European voters now cast ballots for far-right parties—a proportion that has grown nearly fivefold since the mid-1990s, when such parties claimed roughly 5 percent of the vote. The climb has accelerated sharply in just the past three years. Far-right movements now sit in government as part of ruling coalitions in Croatia, Czechia, Italy, and Finland. They prop up a minority government in Sweden. They lead in polls in Austria, Belgium, France, and Germany. The trend has suffered occasional reversals—Geert Wilders's Freedom Party lost nearly a third of its seats in the Netherlands last year, and Viktor Orbán's Fidesz fell to a centre-right challenger in Hungary this spring—but the overall direction remains unmistakable.
Why has the centre collapsed so thoroughly? Mainstream parties in Germany and France have maintained what analysts call a firewall or cordon sanitaire, refusing to govern alongside far-right movements. Some observers argue this strategy has backfired catastrophically. By keeping the AfD out of power, they suggest, Germany's establishment parties have shielded it from the grinding compromises and inevitable failures that come with governing. Meanwhile, the centre itself has hollowed out, forced into uncomfortable, unstable coalitions that accomplish little and frustrate voters further. Each failed government pushes more people toward the extremes. The cycle feeds itself.
Yet political scientists largely reject this diagnosis. Research examining more than 1,300 governments across 57 countries found that far-right parties entering government actually increased their vote share by an average of six percentage points at the next election. The firewall, in other words, may not be the culprit. Instead, analysts point to two deeper forces: the persistent failure of mainstream governments to address the cost-of-living crisis that has hollowed out voters' faith in centrist solutions, and more fundamentally, the gradual normalisation of far-right ideas themselves. Voter attitudes toward immigration and other core far-right themes have not shifted dramatically over time, but these issues have become far more decisive in how people vote. Media coverage and mainstream parties embracing far-right framing have legitimised views once considered beyond the pale. As one Austrian-Hungarian political scientist observed, far-right politics and policies now dominate the centre of debate regardless of whether far-right parties hold office. There is no cordon around their ideas.
Sweden holds legislative elections next weekend. France faces a presidential ballot in spring. Italy, Spain, and Poland will hold key races later in the year. Far-right parties are polling strongly in all of them. Europe's mainstream leaders have begun speaking of a grave moment for the continent. Whether that moment represents a temporary surge or a durable realignment remains unclear—but the numbers suggest the centre's long dominance has genuinely ended.
Bemerkenswerte Zitate
The far right is here to stay, and many of its parties are as established as the (former) 'mainstream' parties. Like other parties, their electoral support fluctuates.— Cas Mudde, University of Georgia, leading expert on Europe's far right
There's a self-reinforcing political dynamic that feeds the AfD's rise. The weaker the election results, the less common ground in the coalition, the fewer the policy results. The fewer results, the bigger the frustration in the electorate, the bigger the AfD's share of the vote.— Mujtaba Rahman, Eurasia Group risk consultancy