Ethiopia's Tigray conflict reignites with mounting civilian toll and infrastructure damage

At least 11 civilians killed in Alamata market attack; 15 wounded; six family members killed in Selenwuha shelling; hospitals, schools and religious institutions damaged; 160 evacuated by ICRC; widespread displacement and disrupted access to medical care.
Those who survived are confined to their homes with no access to medical care.
A woman from Selenwuha describes the aftermath of artillery strikes on her family's home.
Mark

So the peace agreement from 2022 just fell apart. What actually broke it?

Mimi

It was never really whole to begin with. The agreement said the TPLF would disarm and accept federal authority, but key parts were never implemented—disputed territories stayed contested, displaced people weren't brought home, fighters weren't fully demobilized. Then a hardline faction took control of the TPLF and reinstated the regional council, which the federal government saw as a direct violation.

Luke

But that's the political story. What actually triggered the fighting in September?

Mimi

Tigrayan forces seized three airports on September 23. That came after the TPLF announced a new alliance with six other armed groups aimed at overthrowing the Prime Minister.

Mark

And the federal forces are advancing now?

Mimi

They've reportedly taken Alamata, which is strategically important—it sits on a major highway about 120 kilometers south of Mekelle. But the overall situation is hard to assess because communication is almost completely shut down.

Luke

So we're hearing accounts of civilian casualties, but how solid is that reporting?

Mimi

A woman from Selenwuha lost six family members to shelling. In Alamata, residents say 11 people were killed and 15 wounded in a market attack. But DW notes these claims couldn't be independently verified, and the military didn't respond to requests for comment.

Mark

What about the broader humanitarian picture?

Mimi

The Red Cross has only managed to evacuate 160 people. Hospitals, schools, and religious institutions have been damaged. Supply routes are disrupted, so prices are spiking. People who weren't directly in the fighting are now facing shortages of basic goods.

Luke

Is there any sense of how many people are actually affected?

Mimi

Not really—the communication blackout makes it almost impossible to know. But observers are worried about the entire northern region, not just Tigray.

Mark

And could this spread beyond Ethiopia?

Mimi

The Prime Minister has already accused neighboring countries of supporting the rebels. Tigrayan forces have advanced into the Afar region, and analysts think they may be targeting Ethiopia's main trade corridor—which would have economic consequences far beyond the country.

Luke

So the immediate crisis is the fighting and civilian toll, but the longer-term risk is that this destabilizes the whole region.

Mimi

Exactly. And unlike the previous war, we're operating almost entirely in the dark because of the communication shutdowns.

  • Tigrayan forces seized three airports on September 23 and joined a new multi-group alliance explicitly aimed at removing Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed from power, shattering what remained of the Pretoria ceasefire.
  • At least 11 civilians were killed and 15 wounded in a market attack in Alamata timed, residents believe, to strike when crowds were largest — while six family members died in a single artillery strike on a home in Selenwuha.
  • Communication blackouts across the region are suppressing the true scale of casualties and alleged war crimes, leaving journalists and aid organizations piecing together events from fragments and anonymous sources.
  • The ICRC has managed to evacuate only around 160 people, supply routes are collapsing, and Tigrayan forces advancing into the Afar region now threaten Ethiopia's main trade corridor — the economic lifeline of the entire country.
  • Prime Minister Abiy has accused neighboring states of backing rebel forces, raising the alarm that a conflict already devastating one region could ignite instability across the broader Horn of Africa.

War has returned to Ethiopia's Tigray region, reopening wounds that a fragile 2022 peace agreement never truly healed. On September 23, Tigrayan forces seized airports and declared a new alliance against the federal government, while civilians in towns like Alamata and Selenwuha bore the immediate cost in blood. What unfolds now is not merely a military contest over territory, but a reckoning with the unfinished business of a prior catastrophe — unimplemented promises, unresolved borders, and a peace that was signed but never truly built.

Fighting has returned to Ethiopia's Tigray region, bringing with it the displacement, infrastructure collapse, and civilian deaths that defined the 2020–2022 war. On September 23, Tigrayan forces seized airports in Mekelle, Aksum, and Shire, days after the TPLF and six other armed groups announced a new alliance aimed at removing Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed's government. Among the alliance's unexpected members: the Amhara Fano National Movement, which had fought alongside federal forces against the TPLF just years earlier. Both sides now accuse the other of firing first.

The human cost is already severe, though communication blackouts make the full picture impossible to see. In Selenwuha, a 22-year-old woman described sheltering with relatives when artillery struck their homes, killing six family members. Survivors remain trapped without access to medical care. In Alamata — a strategically vital town 120 kilometers south of Mekelle — at least 11 people were killed and 15 wounded in an attack on a Saturday market. A local resident told DW he believed the timing was deliberate, chosen for the morning crowds. Another said militia members had described the strikes as retaliation against the town's population. Federal forces reportedly seized Alamata on September 27, while Tigrayan fighters continue to contest towns further south.

The roots of this renewed war lie in a peace agreement that was signed but never truly honored. The Pretoria Accord of November 2022 required the TPLF to disarm and recognize federal authority, but disputed territories remained unresolved, displaced populations were not returned home, and a hardline TPLF faction led by Debretsion Gebremichael gradually reasserted control. When the TPLF lost its legal party status and was excluded from national elections in June, the tensions that had been accumulating since August finally broke into open conflict.

Legal experts and human rights monitors have documented strikes on hospitals, schools, and religious institutions — some potentially accidental, others appearing deliberate, and all potentially constituting war crimes under both international law and Ethiopia's own penal code. The ICRC has evacuated only around 160 people. Basic goods prices are rising as supply routes fracture. Most alarmingly, Tigrayan forces have advanced into the neighboring Afar region, threatening Ethiopia's main trade corridor. Prime Minister Abiy has accused neighboring countries of supporting the rebels — a charge that, if it hardens into policy, risks pulling the broader Horn of Africa into the conflict's orbit.

The fighting has returned to Ethiopia's Tigray region, and with it, the familiar machinery of war—the displacement, the infrastructure collapse, the civilians caught between forces that claim to be defending territory but leave bodies in their wake.

On September 23, Tigrayan forces seized airports in the regional capital Mekelle and in the towns of Aksum and Shire. The move followed an announcement three days earlier that the Tigray People's Liberation Front, alongside six other armed groups, had formed a new alliance aimed at removing Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed's government from power. The alliance unexpectedly included the Amhara Fano National Movement—a group that had fought alongside federal forces against the TPLF just years before, but has since turned against the government. Now both the federal military and Tigrayan forces accuse each other of starting this latest round of violence, each framing their actions as defensive responses to aggression.

The scale of what is happening remains difficult to measure. Internet and communication services across the affected areas have been largely shut down, leaving journalists and aid organizations working from fragments of information. A 22-year-old woman from Selenwuha described sheltering at home with relatives when heavy artillery struck their residences. She lost six family members in the attack. Those who survived, including the wounded, remain confined to their homes with no access to medical facilities. The nearest treatment center is far away. In Alamata, a strategically important town about 120 kilometers south of Mekelle, residents reported that at least 11 people were killed and 15 wounded in an attack on the Saturday market. A 45-year-old resident told DW he believed the timing was deliberate—the attack came during the opening hours when crowds would be largest. A 40-year-old Alamata resident said militia members in the region had told him the attacks were retaliation against the town's population. These accounts could not be independently verified, and when DW contacted an Ethiopian National Defense Force spokesperson for comment, no response was provided by publication time.

The federal military has reportedly seized control of Alamata on September 27, according to pro-government militia accounts and the US-based conflict-monitoring organization ACLED. The town sits on a major highway and changed hands multiple times during the previous war. According to sources in Tigray speaking on condition of anonymity, the Ethiopian National Defense Force continues advancing toward Mekelle while Tigrayan forces fight to hold other towns including Mekoni and Maychew in southern Tigray.

This conflict erupted from the wreckage of a peace agreement that never fully took hold. The 2020-2022 war killed between 162,000 and 600,000 people, depending on the source. It ended in November 2022 with the Pretoria Agreement, under which the TPLF agreed to disarm and demobilize its fighters and respect the federal government's constitutional authority. But key provisions were never implemented. Disputed territories remained contested. Displaced people were not returned home. Tigrayan forces were not fully demobilized. A hardline faction within the TPLF, led by Debretsion Gebremichael, reasserted control in the region, straining relations with the federal government in Addis Ababa. The TPLF reinstated Tigray's pre-war regional council—a move the federal government saw as a violation of the peace framework. When the TPLF lost its legal party status and was excluded from national elections in June this year, tensions that had been building since August 2026 finally broke into open conflict.

Amdegebreal Admassu, an Ethiopian lawyer specializing in political and legal affairs, told DW that reports have documented fighters striking public facilities including hospitals, schools and religious institutions. Some of these strikes may be accidental; others appear deliberate. Under both international law and Ethiopia's penal code, such actions constitute war crimes. Mebrihi Birhane, vice director of the NGO Human Rights First Ethiopia, emphasized that armed forces have an obligation to ensure civilians retain access to essential services even during conflict. Many of these facilities had already been damaged during the previous war and are now being hit again.

The International Committee of the Red Cross has managed to evacuate only around 160 people from Tigray—Ethiopian Federal Police personnel, Ethiopian Airlines staff, and African Union monitors. Prices for basic goods are rising sharply as supply routes are disrupted, affecting residents across Tigray who have so far been spared direct combat. The latest reports indicate Tigrayan forces have advanced into the neighboring Afar region and are controlling the area around Erebti. Analysts suggest this move may be aimed at threatening Ethiopia's main trade corridor—the vital route through which the country imports and exports goods and on which its economy depends. Prime Minister Abiy has already accused neighboring countries of taking sides and supporting rebel forces, raising the possibility that this conflict could spread beyond Ethiopia's borders into the broader Horn of Africa.

I have lost six family members. Those who survived the attack, including the wounded, are currently confined to their homes. They have no access to medical facilities or vehicles, and the nearest treatment center is far away.
— 22-year-old woman from Selenwuha
Under both international law and our country's penal code, such actions are classified as war crimes.
— Amdegebreal Admassu, Ethiopian lawyer specializing in political and legal affairs, on attacks targeting hospitals, schools, and religious institutions
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