In the long and uneasy history of a continent trying to speak with one voice, Estonia's prime minister has proposed a simple answer: let the offices Europe already has do the speaking. Kristen Michal wants António Costa and Kaja Kallas, not a newly invented envoy, to represent the Union in any negotiation over Ukraine, on the grounds that political accountability to member states matters more than whether Moscow finds the messenger agreeable. The proposal lands in a quarrel older than this war, between those who want Brussels to hold the pen and those who prefer the familiar channels of nation
Estonia Urges EU to Send Costa and Kallas to Ukraine Peace Talks, Not Envoys Moscow Might Accept
Putin doesn't get to choose who speaks for Europe
Mark
Why is a question about who sits at the table getting this much attention?
Mimi
Because whoever sits there shapes what Europe can claim. Estonia says the EU already has accountable officials in Costa and Kallas, so it doesn't need a new envoy.
Mark
And the Kremlin's view of Kallas?
Mimi
Some diplomats question whether Moscow would engage with her. Michal's answer is that Russia shouldn't get to choose.
Luke
Worth saying that's a reported concern from some diplomats, not a confirmed Russian position. The piece doesn't quote anyone in Moscow.
Mark
What do France and Germany want instead?
Mimi
They prefer to keep national channels, and Merz has defended the E3 format with Britain, sometimes widened to Italy and Poland.
Luke
And the smaller-state fear of being sidelined is described as a concern, not something that has happened.
Mark
Where does Washington fit?
Mimi
Kushner has questioned whether Europe can agree on one representative, and Europe wasn't in the central trilateral format in Abu Dhabi.
Luke
Dublin isn't expected to name anyone, so don't read a decision into it. Costa agreeing to prioritise the issue is the confirmed part.
Der Puls
- Estonia's prime minister is pushing Brussels to speak through Costa and Kallas rather than a new envoy, arguing Russian preferences should not decide the choice.
- Italy's Meloni has pressed Costa over fragmented European channels, and Washington's Kushner has openly doubted Europe can pick one representative.
- France and Germany are resisting exclusive Brussels control and defending the E3 format, while smaller states fear being shut out of talks on their own security.
- Costa has put the question on the Dublin informal summit agenda, where leaders seek a shared line for Moscow and Washington rather than a quick appointment.
- The outcome hinges on whether leaders converge on a single European negotiating mandate or leave the split between Brussels and the big capitals intact.
In the long and uneasy history of a continent trying to speak with one voice, Estonia's prime minister has proposed a simple answer: let the offices Europe already has do the speaking. Kristen Michal wants António Costa and Kaja Kallas, not a newly invented envoy, to represent the Union in any negotiation over Ukraine, on the grounds that political accountability to member states matters more than whether Moscow finds the messenger agreeable. The proposal lands in a quarrel older than this war, between those who want Brussels to hold the pen and those who prefer the familiar channels of national capitals. As leaders gather in Dublin, the question is less who gets the title than whether Europe can agree on what it wants to say at all.
Estonian Prime Minister Kristen Michal has a straightforward answer to who should speak for Europe in talks over Ukraine: the officials who already hold the posts. In an interview with POLITICO, he said the EU should send European Council President António Costa and foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas, and should not create a separate special envoy. Both, he said, are clearly accountable to member states.
Michal rejected the notion that Europe should choose its negotiator mainly because Moscow might accept that person. For him, the tests are political legitimacy, institutional accountability and the confidence of member states. The argument bears most on Kallas, a former Estonian prime minister known for pressing strong support for Ukraine and tougher sanctions on Russia. Some diplomats have doubted whether Moscow would engage with her, but Michal believes Russian objections should not decide the matter.
The question has climbed the agenda. Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni wrote to Costa before the Dublin gathering, warning of fragmented initiatives and poorly coordinated channels, and asking for clarity on representation. Costa agreed to raise it at the summit, though leaders are not expected to name an envoy there; they are seeking a common message for Moscow and Washington. Pressure also comes from Jared Kushner, a principal Trump negotiator, who has questioned whether Europe can agree on one voice, especially after Abu Dhabi talks in which Europeans sat outside the central trilateral format.
Not everyone wants Brussels in front. France and Germany have long run their own diplomacy with Russia and are reluctant to surrender national channels. Chancellor Friedrich Merz has defended the E3 format of Germany, France and the United Kingdom. Smaller states, particularly those on NATO's eastern flank like Estonia, worry that a framework steered by a few capitals would leave them with little say over their own security.
What to watch in Dublin is whether leaders can forge a single European negotiating mandate, or whether the divide between Brussels and the big capitals remains exactly where it is.
Estonian Prime Minister Kristen Michal has a simple answer to the question of who should speak for Europe in negotiations over Ukraine: the people who already hold the jobs. In an interview with POLITICO, he said the EU should send European Council President António Costa and foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas, and should not appoint a separate special envoy. "Both are clearly accountable to EU countries," he said.
Michal rejected the idea that Europe should pick its representative mainly because Moscow might find that person acceptable. In his view the criteria are political legitimacy, institutional accountability and the confidence of member states. The argument bears most directly on Kallas, a former Estonian prime minister who has pressed for strong support for Ukraine, tougher sanctions on Russia and a security policy built on deterring further aggression. Some diplomats, according to the reporting, have questioned whether Moscow would engage with her directly. For Estonia, Russian objections should not decide the matter.
The institutional case is laid out plainly. Costa represents the Union externally at the level of heads of state and government on common foreign and security policy, without prejudice to the high representative's powers. Kallas conducts that policy and coordinates positions among member states. Neither can set a negotiating mandate alone, because that needs political agreement among EU governments. Both serve terms running to 2029, which Michal sees as a source of continuity beyond any single round of talks.
The question has reached the top of the agenda. Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni wrote to Costa ahead of the informal leaders' gathering in Dublin, warning about fragmented European initiatives and multiple negotiating channels operating without enough coordination, and asking for clarity on how Europe should be represented. Costa agreed to put the issue high on the Dublin agenda. The meeting was not necessarily expected to produce an appointment; leaders were seeking a shared understanding of how to present their position to Moscow and Washington.
Pressure is also coming from Washington. Jared Kushner, one of President Donald Trump's principal negotiators, has publicly questioned whether Europe can agree on a single representative. The recent talks in Abu Dhabi sharpened the worry: European officials took part in a separate expanded meeting, but were not in the central trilateral format of Washington, Moscow and Kyiv. A settlement could reach European security, sanctions, military assistance and Ukraine's ties to Western institutions.
Not everyone agrees that Brussels should lead. France and Germany have long played major roles in European diplomacy with Russia and are reluctant to give up national channels. German Chancellor Friedrich Merz has defended cooperation among Germany, France and the United Kingdom, the E3 format, which has in some discussions been widened to include Italy and Poland. Smaller states worry that a framework dominated by a few capitals would leave them little say over their own security, a sensitive point for countries on NATO's eastern flank such as Estonia, which borders Russia.
The objections come from other directions as well. Fabrice Leggeri, a National Rally MEP from Marine Le Pen's party, argued that foreign policy should remain mainly national and questioned whether Costa or Kallas could speak for France. The treaties, however, provide for a common foreign and security policy and give both officials external representation roles; the open issue is how far that role stretches when member states disagree. Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen, for her part, warned against separate strategies after telephone conversations between leaders from Finland and Norway and Moscow raised coordination questions.
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has also urged European governments to settle their representation, since any deal could affect Ukraine's security guarantees, reconstruction financing and relationship with the EU. What to watch is whether the Dublin discussions move leaders toward a single European negotiating mandate, or leave the split between Brussels and the big capitals where it is.
Bemerkenswerte Zitate
Both are clearly accountable to EU countries.— Kristen Michal, Estonian Prime Minister, to POLITICO
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