The lack of decisive action and tangible results
Desde 2019, el Consejo de Europa ha instado a España a reformar sus estructuras de integridad pública, y desde 2019, España ha respondido con promesas incompletas y silencios estratégicos. El organismo anticorrupción Greco concluye, en su cuarto informe crítico consecutivo, que ninguna de las diecinueve recomendaciones ha sido plenamente cumplida, situando al país junto a Polonia y Hungría en una categoría que Europa observa con preocupación creciente. La demora deliberada en la publicación del informe —enterrado en pleno agosto— revela que el problema no es solo la corrupción, sino la relación que un gobierno mantiene con su propio escrutinio.
- Greco no ha encontrado ni una sola recomendación completamente cumplida: dieciséis a medias, tres ignoradas por completo, y seis años de inercia acumulada.
- El gobierno retrasó la publicación del informe casi dos meses, eligiendo un viernes de verano para minimizar el impacto político de una evaluación devastadora.
- Las tres recomendaciones excluidas de las reformas de Sánchez —control de asesores, inmunidad parlamentaria y disciplina de las fuerzas de seguridad— son precisamente las que más incomodan al ejecutivo.
- El secretario general del Consejo de Europa tuvo que escribir personalmente al ministro de Exteriores exigiendo publicación inmediata y medidas decisivas.
- España tiene hasta el 30 de junio de 2026 para demostrar avances reales; de lo contrario, se expone a un escrutinio formal de la Comisión Europea con posibles consecuencias bajo los estándares de integridad comunitarios.
El pasado viernes 1 de agosto, tras casi dos meses de retraso, el organismo anticorrupción del Consejo de Europa hizo público su veredicto sobre España: ninguna de las diecinueve recomendaciones formuladas desde 2019 ha sido plenamente implementada. Dieciséis han sido abordadas solo parcialmente. Tres han sido ignoradas por completo. Es el cuarto informe crítico consecutivo de Greco sobre España, y el lenguaje empleado no deja margen a la interpretación: el organismo lamenta «la falta de acción decisiva y resultados tangibles» por parte del ejecutivo.
Las reformas pendientes abarcan desde la supervisión sistemática de asesores gubernamentales hasta la regulación de las puertas giratorias entre lo público y lo privado, pasando por la independencia real de la Oficina de Conflictos de Intereses y la publicación de agendas de altos cargos. La Ley de Administración Abierta ha sido propuesta, pero no implementada. El Consejo de Transparencia ha ganado algo de autonomía, pero sigue sin poder sancionar al propio gobierno.
Lo que hace especialmente revelador este momento es la gestión política del informe. Madrid retrasó su publicación desde principios de junio hasta el primer día de agosto, un viernes estival, cuando la atención ciudadana está en otra parte. El secretario general del Consejo de Europa, Alain Berset, tuvo que intervenir directamente para exigir su divulgación. El ministro Félix Bolaños respondió anunciando el mayor paquete anticorrupción de la democracia española, pero las reformas presentadas omitieron deliberadamente las tres recomendaciones que España sigue ignorando: el control de asesores, la reforma de la inmunidad parlamentaria y la revisión del régimen disciplinario de la Guardia Civil y la Policía Nacional.
Aunque Greco no forma parte de la Unión Europea, sus informes tienen peso en Bruselas. La Comisión Europea puede incorporar sus conclusiones a sus propias evaluaciones sobre el cumplimiento de los estándares de integridad. Para un gobierno que ha hecho de la regeneración democrática uno de sus estandartes, este informe supone una contradicción difícil de sostener ante Europa. España tiene hasta junio de 2026 para demostrar que el patrón puede cambiar.
On Friday, August 1st, after nearly two months of delay, Europe's anti-corruption watchdog released a damning assessment of Spain's government. The Grupo de Estados Contra la Corrupción—Greco, an independent body of the Council of Europe—concluded that Spain has failed to fully implement a single one of nineteen anti-corruption recommendations it has been pressing since 2019. Of those nineteen, sixteen have been addressed only in part. Three have been ignored entirely.
The report's language was blunt. Greco expressed regret over "the lack of decisive action and tangible results" from the Spanish executive regarding measures meant to strengthen the integrity of government and prevent scandals like those involving Santos Cerdán and José Luis Ábalos. The watchdog called for implementation "as soon as possible." This marks the fourth consecutive critical report from Greco on Spain—the third follow-up assessment—and it places the country in a category alongside Poland and Hungary, nations flagged for systemic failures in anti-corruption governance. Spain has been in non-compliance proceedings since 2023, yet even under that pressure, meaningful progress has stalled.
The recommendations span concrete reforms: establishing systematic oversight of government advisors, regulating the "revolving door" between public and private sectors, strengthening asset declarations, and reforming the special criminal liability system that shields government members from prosecution. Greco also flagged the absence of lobby regulation, the failure to publish senior officials' calendars, and the lack of true independence for the Office of Conflicts of Interest. The Transparency Council, though granted greater autonomy, still lacks full sanctioning power over the government itself. The report noted that while initiatives like the Open Administration Law have been proposed, implementation remains pending.
What makes this moment particularly pointed is the timing and the context. The Spanish government delayed the report's release from early June until August 1st—a Friday in summer, when many Spaniards are focused on vacation plans rather than governance failures. The delay itself signals something: under Greco's rules, a country must consent to publication, and Madrid chose to bury the news. The Council of Europe's secretary general, Alain Berset, had sent an official letter to Spain's foreign minister demanding "decisive measures" and rapid publication. The government responded through its minister of presidency and justice, Félix Bolaños, promising the largest anti-corruption package in Spanish democratic history. Yet when Sánchez's reforms were unveiled, they conspicuously excluded the three recommendations Spain completely ignores: advisor control, reform of parliamentary immunity, and revision of disciplinary procedures for the Civil Guard and National Police.
Greco is not part of the European Union, but all EU member states belong to it, and its reports carry weight in Brussels. The European Commission can factor Greco's findings into its own assessments of member state compliance with European integrity standards. A negative Greco report signals official notice that a country is not meeting those standards. For Spain, this is a blow to the government's repeated claims about democratic regeneration and anti-corruption commitment.
The watchdog has given Spain one year—until June 30, 2026—to submit a report on progress in implementing the nineteen recommendations. The deadline is a test. If Spain continues to move slowly or selectively, the country risks formal EU scrutiny and potential consequences under European governance frameworks. The pattern so far suggests the government is choosing which reforms to pursue and which to avoid, a calculus that Greco's report has now made visible to all of Europe.
Notable Quotes
Greco expressed regret over the lack of decisive action and tangible results regarding measures meant to strengthen government integrity— Greco report
The government promised the largest anti-corruption package in Spanish democratic history but excluded the three recommendations Spain completely ignores— Report analysis
The Hearth Conversation Another angle on the story
Why did the government delay releasing this report by two months?
Because Greco's rules require the country being evaluated to consent to publication. Madrid had the power to hold it back, and it chose to—waiting until August, when people's minds are elsewhere.
Does Greco have any real power to enforce these recommendations?
Not directly. Greco can't impose sanctions. But its reports inform the European Commission's own assessments, and that matters. A negative Greco finding is a formal signal that you're not meeting European standards.
Why are three recommendations completely unaddressed while sixteen are only partial?
The three are the hardest ones politically: controlling government advisors, reforming the immunity that shields ministers from prosecution, and making police discipline more transparent. Those touch the government's own power directly.
The government promised the biggest anti-corruption package ever. Why didn't it include those three?
Because those three would actually constrain the government itself. The other reforms—transparency councils, asset declarations, lobby rules—are easier to adopt without surrendering real authority.
What happens if Spain doesn't improve by 2026?
It stays in non-compliance. That opens the door to EU scrutiny and potential consequences. Right now Spain is grouped with Poland and Hungary—countries already under formal pressure for governance failures.