In a desert town a kilometer from the Gaza border, where posters for rival parties crowd the train platform, a politician whose own family carried Moroccan Jewish roots is asking a question that has lingered in Israeli life for generations: whose identity counts as Israeli, and who gets to speak for it. The story of Sderot is the story of a city whose people were once told to shed their Arabic-speaking heritage, who were settled on the edges of the state, and who, like many, found in the right a voice that answered their long grievance. Now a campaign built on pride in that heritage is testing
Eisenkot Campaigns on Moroccan Roots in Sderot, Testing Likud's Hold on Israel's Mizrahi Voters
"Dialna" on a poster: a word once hidden now sells a prime minister
Why does a single word on a poster matter so much?
Because "Dialna" is Moroccan Arabic, a language Israeli society long pushed North African Jews to shed. Putting it on a campaign poster for prime minister turns something once hidden into a slogan.
Worth noting that's Daniel Ben-Simon's reading. He also says Eisenkot may have been pushed into it by Yinon Magal's insult. So motive is open.
Sderot gave Likud over 40% in 2022. Is that vote now in play?
The reporting says Likud could suffer losses there, mainly because the town is changing. About 5,000 new residents in three years, many from the national-religious community.
But "could" is carrying a lot. No poll or projection is cited. And those national-religious voters tend to back Smotrich, which still helps Netanyahu's bloc.
What is the deeper history behind Likud's strength among Mizrahim?
Mapai's discrimination, the transit camps, the underfunded development towns. Begin's Likud turned that frustration into the 1977-era upheaval, the Mahapach, though the party has never had a Mizrahi leader.
And the claim that an Eisenkot win would deepen Moroccan identity in towns like Sderot is Ben-Simon's prediction, not something anyone can confirm yet.
What can we say for certain about October 7's role?
More than 50 people were killed in Sderot. The city has also been a frequent rocket target for two decades.
The piece links that trauma to shifting loyalties, but offers no data on how it changed anyone's vote.
El Pulso
- A Moroccan-Arabic slogan glares from campaign posters in a city where Likud has long held a commanding lead over the rest of the country.
- A television insult calling Gadi Eisenkot a monkey has turned a campaign about heritage into a raw public wound.
- Yashar is mounting an aggressive push in Sderot's streets, using Mizrahi pride to peel votes away from a stronghold of the right.
- Sderot is still grieving more than 50 dead from October 7 while its population swells, and the town's loyalties are being contested as Tuesday's vote approaches.
In a desert town a kilometer from the Gaza border, where posters for rival parties crowd the train platform, a politician whose own family carried Moroccan Jewish roots is asking a question that has lingered in Israeli life for generations: whose identity counts as Israeli, and who gets to speak for it. The story of Sderot is the story of a city whose people were once told to shed their Arabic-speaking heritage, who were settled on the edges of the state, and who, like many, found in the right a voice that answered their long grievance. Now a campaign built on pride in that heritage is testing whether old loyalties can bend, at a moment when a town has absorbed grief from October 7 and a new wave of young families. The outcome on Tuesday will show less about one candidate than about whether a people can be claimed by the story they were once asked to forget.
Anyone who steps off the train at the edge of Sderot is greeted by a wall of campaign posters. One stands out above the rest: the liberal Yashar party's slogan, "Rosh Memshala Dialna," which fuses the Hebrew for prime minister with a Moroccan Arabic phrase meaning "of our own." The message is deliberate. Its leader, Gadi Eisenkot, the main challenger to Benjamin Netanyahu, comes from a Moroccan-Jewish family and grew up in Eilat. With elections set for Tuesday, he is leaning hard on that heritage in Sderot and other towns on Israel's periphery.
Sderot, a desert city about a kilometer from Gaza, has a large Moroccan Jewish community and has become a symbol of that culture in music, film, and politics. It is also a bastion of the right: in 2022, Likud took more than 40 percent of its vote, against 23 percent nationally. That loyalty grows from a long divide between Ashkenazim and Mizrahim. After the state's founding, Mizrahim were pressed to abandon their Arabic and culture, many were sent to transit camps and then to underfunded development towns, and poverty followed. Likud rose by channeling that resentment, and Mizrahim have stayed close to it ever since, though the party has never had a Mizrahi leader.
This year the wound has been reopened. Yashar mocked Likud for sidelining its Mizrahi politicians, and on live television the pro-Netanyahu journalist Yinon Magal called Eisenkot a "monkey" controlled by elitist Ashkenazim. Netanyahu condemned the remark. Daniel Ben-Simon, a Morocco-born journalist and former lawmaker, sees the campaign as historically significant whatever its motives, calling it a step beyond a society that long tried to erase North African Jewish identity.
Sderot has also been shaken. Its closeness to Gaza has made it a frequent target of rocket fire, and more than 50 people were killed there in the October 7, 2023 attacks. Its population has grown by about 5,000 to 40,000 in three years, drawing idealistic young families and a rising national-religious community that tends to back Smotrich's party, a Netanyahu ally. Those votes still help Netanyahu's bloc, but Likud itself may lose ground. Whatever Tuesday brings, Ben-Simon believes an Eisenkot victory would strengthen the ties such towns have to their Moroccan roots.
Anyone stepping off the train on the edge of Sderot, in western Israel, is met by a wall of campaign advertising. Posters for the right-wing Likud and the far-right Otzma Yehudit carry a range of slogans. One poster appears more than any other: that of the liberal Yashar party. Its slogan, "Rosh Memshala Dialna," joins the Hebrew words for "prime minister" with a Moroccan Arabic phrase meaning "of our own."
The choice is deliberate. Gadi Eisenkot, Yashar's leader and the main challenger to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, is of Moroccan origin and grew up in Eilat, a city with a large North African Jewish population. With elections set for Tuesday, his campaign in Sderot and other towns on Israel's sociopolitical periphery leans heavily on that background.
Sderot sits in the Negev desert, about 75 kilometers (45 miles) south of Tel Aviv and a kilometer from the Gaza border. It has a large Moroccan Jewish community and has become a symbol of Moroccan-Jewish culture in Israel, visible in music, cinema and politics. It is also a bastion of the Israeli right. In 2022, Likud took more than 40% of the vote there, against 23% nationwide, and other parties in Netanyahu's far-right coalition also drew strong support.
That pattern grows out of an old divide between Ashkenazim, Jews of European origin, and Mizrahim, Jews mostly from the Middle East and North Africa. By estimate, about half of Israel's Jewish population, some 4 million people, is of Mizrahi origin. After the state's founding, the ruling socialist party Mapai, whose leadership was largely Ashkenazi, pursued discriminatory policies. Mizrahim were often expected to "Europeanize" rather than keep their own culture, heritage or Arabic. European immigrants often got better housing and jobs, while many Jews from Arab-speaking countries were sent to Ma'abarot, temporary transit camps frequently in remote places with little infrastructure. Many became "development towns" that stayed underfunded compared with central Israel, and poverty followed. Sderot is among the best known.
Likud, founded as a right-wing alliance in 1973, used that resentment effectively under Menachem Begin. Mizrahi support helped produce the Mahapach, the upheaval in which Likud first defeated the socialist camp and took power. Mizrahim have been tied to Likud ever since, though the party has never had a Mizrahi leader.
This year the issue has drawn particular attention. Yashar accused Likud of sidelining its Mizrahi politicians, and its slogan "Netanyahu: Let the Mizrahim give interviews" mocked the omission. On live television, the right-wing journalist Yinon Magal, one of Netanyahu's most vocal supporters, claimed Eisenkot was controlled by elitist Ashkenazim and called him a "monkey." Netanyahu, who is of European origin, condemned the remark.
Daniel Ben-Simon, a Morocco-born, award-winning journalist and former member of parliament, told DW that Magal's comments may have pushed Eisenkot to embrace his roots, but that the move carries historical value regardless. "People don't use terms like 'Dialna' with pride," he said, noting that Israeli society long tried to erase the Arab identities of North African Jews. In his view, Eisenkot is "leaving the frame" society set, creating an Israeli-Moroccan identity, and is "the first to allow this double identity to be expressed and still feel at home."
Sderot has also changed under pressure. For two decades its closeness to Gaza has made it a frequent target of Hamas rocket fire, and in the October 7, 2023 attacks more than 50 people were killed there. In the three years since, the population has grown by about 5,000 to 40,000, with many young families arriving out of idealism and for government benefits. The national-religious community is increasingly prominent, and it tends to vote for Bezalel Smotrich's far-right Religious Zionism, a main partner in Netanyahu's coalition. Those votes still count for Netanyahu's bloc, but Likud itself could lose ground in Sderot.
Whatever Tuesday brings, Sderot's image as a Moroccan Jewish city is unlikely to fade. Ben-Simon said an Eisenkot victory would strengthen the ties such towns have to their Moroccan roots.
Citas Notables
People don't use terms like 'Dialna' with pride.— Daniel Ben-Simon, journalist and former MP
Eisenkot is the first to allow this double identity to be expressed and still feel at home.— Daniel Ben-Simon