More than 39 million citizens would choose who governed them for four years
En el umbral de un nuevo ciclo político, Colombia convocó el 29 de mayo de 2022 a más de 39 millones de ciudadanos a elegir al sucesor de Iván Duque entre seis candidatos con visiones distintas del país. La democracia, en su forma más concreta, se tradujo ese día en filas, documentos amarillos con hologramas y mesas de votación asignadas por un número de cédula. Si ningún candidato alcanzaba la mayoría simple, la nación tendría una segunda oportunidad el 19 de junio para decidir su rumbo.
- Más de 39 millones de colombianos debían elegir presidente en una sola jornada de ocho horas, con la posibilidad de una segunda vuelta si ningún candidato lograba mayoría absoluta.
- La confusión sobre documentos válidos generó advertencias oficiales: solo la cédula amarilla con hologramas o su versión digital serían aceptadas, descartando pasaportes, libretas militares y licencias de conducir.
- El gobierno tejió una red de incentivos —descuentos universitarios, preferencia en empleos públicos, reducción del servicio militar— para convertir el voto voluntario en un acto con consecuencias prácticas tangibles.
- Seis candidatos, desde Gustavo Petro del Pacto Histórico hasta Rodolfo Hernández de la Liga Anticorrupción, disputaban un electorado fragmentado que podría no definirse sino hasta el 19 de junio.
- La maquinaria electoral estaba aceitada: la Registraduría ofrecía consulta de puestos de votación por web y app, los jurados debían llegar antes de las 7:30 a.m., y una ley seca garantizaba orden desde la víspera.
Colombia se preparaba para renovar su liderazgo presidencial el domingo 29 de mayo de 2022, cuando más de 39 millones de ciudadanos estaban convocados a las urnas para elegir al sucesor de Iván Duque. La jornada transcurriría entre las 8 a.m. y las 4 p.m. dentro del país, mientras quienes votaban en el exterior ya lo hacían desde el 23 de mayo.
Para facilitar la participación, la Registraduría Nacional puso a disposición el portal InfoVotantes y una aplicación móvil donde cualquier ciudadano podía consultar su puesto y mesa de votación ingresando su número de cédula. El documento indispensable era la cédula amarilla con hologramas de seguridad; formatos antiguos, libretas militares, pasaportes y licencias de conducir quedaban excluidos. La cédula digital, en cambio, sí era válida, ya fuera en formato físico o presentada desde el celular.
Aunque votar no era obligatorio, el Estado había diseñado un sistema de incentivos concretos: medio día de permiso remunerado para trabajadores, descuento del 10 % en matrículas universitarias, preferencia en concursos para empleos públicos y reducción de uno o dos meses en el servicio militar para los conscriptos que participaran. Trámites como pasaportes, antecedentes judiciales y duplicados de cédula también ofrecían un descuento del 10 % a quienes presentaran su certificado electoral.
Seis candidatos competían por la presidencia: Gustavo Petro por el Pacto Histórico, Federico Gutiérrez por el Equipo Colombia, Rodolfo Hernández por la Liga Anticorrupción, Sergio Fajardo por la Centro Esperanza, John Milton Rodríguez por Colombia Justa Libres y Enrique Gómez Martínez por Salvación Nacional. Si ninguno obtenía más de la mitad de los votos válidos, los dos más votados se enfrentarían en segunda vuelta el 19 de junio.
Los jurados de votación debían estar en sus puestos antes de las 7:30 a.m. y permanecerían hasta completar el escrutinio de mesa tras el cierre a las 4 p.m. Los primeros resultados comenzarían a conocerse a las 6 p.m. Desde las 6 p.m. del sábado 28 y hasta las 6 a.m. del lunes 30 regiría la ley seca, una medida habitual en Colombia para preservar el orden durante el proceso electoral.
Colombia was preparing for a presidential election that would reshape the country's leadership for the next four years. On Sunday, May 29, 2022, more than 39 million citizens would walk into polling stations across the nation to choose who would succeed Iván Duque. The stakes were straightforward: pick a president, or potentially return in three weeks for a runoff if no candidate could claim an outright majority.
For voters trying to navigate the mechanics of the day, the government had made the process relatively transparent. The National Electoral Registry, or Registraduría, operated a website called InfoVotantes where any citizen could enter their identification number and instantly discover which polling station and voting table had been assigned to them. The same information was available through a mobile application for those who preferred their phones. Finding your polling place was no longer a mystery—it was a few clicks away.
When election day arrived, voting would run from 8 a.m. until 4 p.m. inside Colombia's borders. Those voting abroad had already begun casting ballots on May 23 and would continue through May 29. The only document that mattered at the polling station was the yellow citizenship card with security holograms. Older ID formats, military booklets, driver's licenses, and passports would not be accepted. However, the newly implemented digital citizenship card—a modernization meant to streamline government services—was valid, whether presented physically or displayed on a phone. National Electoral Registrar Alexander Vega Rocha had been explicit about what would not work, leaving no room for confusion at the moment of voting.
Voting itself was not mandatory in Colombia, but the government had constructed an incentive structure for participation. Workers who voted would receive a half-day of paid leave the following month, provided they coordinated with their employers. Students at public universities received a 10 percent discount on tuition if they voted; private institutions could offer similar reductions and would receive state recognition for doing so. Those applying for government jobs or competing for state-funded scholarships, rural land grants, or housing subsidies would get preference if voting records showed they had participated and scores were otherwise equal. Military conscripts who voted could reduce their service obligation by one or two months depending on their rank. Passport applications, judicial records, military booklets, and duplicate citizenship cards all carried a 10 percent discount for voters.
The election featured six candidates competing for the presidency. Rodolfo Hernández ran under the Anti-Corruption Governors League. John Milton Rodríguez represented the Just Free Colombia movement. Federico Gutiérrez carried the banner of Team Colombia. Sergio Fajardo led the Center of Hope coalition. Enrique Gómez Martínez stood for National Salvation. And Gustavo Petro represented the Historic Pact, running under the PETRO banner. If none of these six secured a simple majority—more than half of all valid votes cast—the top two finishers would face each other in a runoff scheduled for June 19.
For those selected as poll workers, the day would be longer and more demanding. Poll judges had to arrive by 7:30 a.m. and could not leave until the final vote had been counted and all paperwork had been completed and signed over to the Electoral Registry's official representative. The counting process, called escrutinio de mesa, would begin immediately after the 4 p.m. closing time.
Results would begin flowing in at 6 p.m. on election night. Before voting even began, however, a "dry law" would take effect—no alcohol sales from 6 p.m. on Saturday, May 28, through 6 a.m. on Monday, May 30, a common practice in Colombian elections meant to maintain order during the electoral process. The machinery was in place, the rules were clear, and the nation was ready to vote.
Notable Quotes
The password, military booklet, driver's licenses, passports, and old-format citizenship cards are not valid documents to present at the polls— National Electoral Registrar Alexander Vega Rocha
The Hearth Conversation Another angle on the story
Why does Colombia offer all these incentives for voting if it's not mandatory?
Because they want participation without coercion. You can't force people to vote, but you can make it worth their while—a day off work, a discount on your passport, preference for a government job. It's a soft push.
And if someone doesn't vote, they lose access to those benefits?
Exactly. It's not punishment, it's just preference. If two people have the same test score for university admission, the one who voted gets in. It creates a quiet incentive without legal force.
What happens if none of the six candidates wins outright?
Then the country votes again three weeks later, but only the top two candidates compete. It forces a clearer choice, ensures the winner has broader support.
Why is the yellow citizenship card the only valid ID?
Control and verification. The hologram makes it harder to forge. Older cards, passports, driver's licenses—they're easier to fake or harder to verify quickly at a polling station. The yellow card is the standard.
What's the point of the dry law?
Historically, elections can get heated. No alcohol means fewer fights, fewer disruptions. It's a safety measure, though whether it actually works is debatable.
And the poll workers—they're volunteers?
They're selected through a lottery system. You can check if you've been chosen through the registry's website or by checking lists posted at local government offices. If you're picked, you have to show up.