In a striking reversal of its own legal legacy, the Justice Department has asked federal courts to erase the seditious conspiracy convictions of twelve Proud Boys and Oath Keepers leaders — men it once prosecuted as architects of the January 6 Capitol attack. The shift follows President Trump's decision to commute rather than pardon their sentences, leaving convictions intact until now. What was once framed as a grave threat to the constitutional order is now, in the government's own language, a matter best resolved by erasing the record entirely — raising enduring questions about the relation
DOJ seeks dismissal of Jan. 6 seditious conspiracy convictions
Political violence is acceptable as long as your politics align
So the Justice Department is asking courts to throw out convictions it won just a few years ago. What's the actual legal mechanism here?
The government is invoking prosecutorial discretion—the power to decide whether to pursue or abandon a case. They're asking appeals courts to vacate the convictions and dismiss the charges entirely, which would be as if the trials never happened.
But here's the thing: we should be clear about what we don't know. The DOJ filing says this is "in the interests of justice," but it doesn't explain why. We're reading the political context into it, and that context is real, but the government hasn't actually stated its reasoning.
Twelve people were convicted of seditious conspiracy. That's a serious charge. Why would the government suddenly think dismissal serves justice?
The timing is the story. Trump commuted their sentences to time served in January 2025, freeing them from prison but leaving convictions intact. Now, three months later, the DOJ is asking to erase the convictions too. It's hard to see this as anything other than a continuation of that clemency.
True, but we should note: the government has broad discretion to do this. It's not illegal or even unusual for prosecutors to seek dismissal. What's unusual is the scale and the nature of the charges—seditious conspiracy is not something the government typically walks away from.
What did Greg Rosen actually say matters here?
He was the head of the unit that prosecuted these cases. He's saying the message is clear: political violence is fine if it aligns with the current administration's politics. It's a direct indictment of the department's credibility.
That's his interpretation, and it's a powerful one coming from someone inside the institution. But we should be careful: Rosen is now a critic, and critics have their own perspective. What we can confirm is that the government is asking to dismiss convictions it secured, and the timing coincides with Trump's clemency actions.
What happens next?
Federal appeals courts will decide whether to grant the government's request. If they do, the convictions vanish. If they don't, the convictions stand even though the men are free.
And that's the open question: will courts simply defer to the government's prosecutorial discretion, or will they scrutinize the reasoning? That decision will matter for how seditious conspiracy charges are treated in the future.
El Pulso
- The Justice Department has reversed course entirely, asking appeals courts to vacate the seditious conspiracy convictions it spent years building against the most prominent January 6 organizers.
- The twelve men — including Oath Keepers founder Stewart Rhodes, sentenced to eighteen years — were freed by Trump's clemency but carried the weight of their convictions until this filing.
- Unlike the thousand-plus January 6 defendants who received full pardons, this group received only commutations, creating a legal limbo that the DOJ is now moving to resolve in their favor.
- A former chief of the DOJ's own Capitol Siege Section condemned the move as politically driven, warning it signals that political violence is tolerated when it serves the right allegiances.
- Federal appeals panels must now decide whether to accept the dismissal — a ruling that will shape how seditious conspiracy charges are understood and applied in American law for years to come.
In a striking reversal of its own legal legacy, the Justice Department has asked federal courts to erase the seditious conspiracy convictions of twelve Proud Boys and Oath Keepers leaders — men it once prosecuted as architects of the January 6 Capitol attack. The shift follows President Trump's decision to commute rather than pardon their sentences, leaving convictions intact until now. What was once framed as a grave threat to the constitutional order is now, in the government's own language, a matter best resolved by erasing the record entirely — raising enduring questions about the relationship between law, power, and the meaning of justice.
On April 14, the Justice Department filed a motion asking federal courts to erase the convictions of twelve Proud Boys and Oath Keepers leaders — men its own prosecutors had identified as the chief organizers of the January 6 Capitol attack. Among them is Stewart Rhodes, founder of the Oath Keepers, who had been sentenced to eighteen years in prison after prosecutors argued he plotted to oppose by force the lawful transfer of presidential power. Four senior Proud Boys leaders, including Ethan Nordean and Joseph Biggs, were also named.
What changed was not evidence or law, but political circumstance. Upon returning to office in January 2025, President Trump issued sweeping clemency for more than a thousand January 6 defendants — granting most full pardons, but choosing for this group of twelve a narrower remedy: commutation to time served. They were freed, but their convictions remained. The DOJ's new filing moves to close that gap, with Assistant U.S. Attorney Daniel Lenerz writing that dismissal is 'in the interests of justice' — without elaborating on why the government's understanding of justice had so fundamentally shifted.
The move drew pointed criticism from Greg Rosen, who until recently led the Justice Department's Capitol Siege Section — the unit that prosecuted these very cases. Speaking to CBS News, Rosen said the filing reflects a troubling principle now embedded in the department: that political violence is acceptable when it aligns with the right politics. His words sharpened the central contradiction — the same institution that once argued these men threatened the constitutional order is now asking courts to act as though the convictions never existed.
Federal appeals panels will decide whether to accept the request. If they do, the cases vanish from the record entirely. If they decline, the convictions stand even as the men walk free. Either way, the episode has already altered the legal and moral weight of seditious conspiracy — a charge rarely invoked in American history — and left an unresolved question about what it means when a government erases its own most serious accusations.
On Tuesday, April 14, the Justice Department filed a motion asking a federal court to erase the convictions of twelve members from the Proud Boys and Oath Keepers—men prosecutors had identified as organizers and leaders of the January 6 Capitol attack. The request marks a dramatic reversal in the government's own legal position, coming more than a year after these same prosecutors secured guilty verdicts on seditious conspiracy charges, the most serious allegations brought against anyone involved in the riot.
The twelve men named in the filing include Stewart Rhodes, the founder of the Oath Keepers militia, who had been sentenced to eighteen years in prison. Prosecutors had argued that Rhodes and his associates "began plotting to oppose by force the lawful transfer of presidential power" following the 2020 election. Alongside Rhodes are four prominent Proud Boys leaders: Ethan Nordean, Zachary Rehl, Dominic Pezzola, and Joseph Biggs, all of whom were also convicted of seditious conspiracy. These convictions represented the culmination of years of investigation and trial work by federal prosecutors.
What changed was not the facts of the case or new evidence, but rather the political landscape. After returning to office in January 2025, President Trump issued a sweeping clemency action affecting more than one thousand people convicted in connection with January 6. For most of those individuals, Trump granted full pardons, erasing both their sentences and their convictions. For this particular group of twelve, however, the President chose a different path: he commuted their sentences to time served, meaning they were released from prison but their convictions remained on the record. The distinction mattered legally, even if the practical effect was immediate freedom.
Now the Justice Department has moved to eliminate even that remaining conviction. In the filing submitted to federal appeals courts, Assistant U.S. Attorney Daniel Lenerz wrote that "the United States has determined in its prosecutorial discretion that dismissal of this criminal case is in the interests of justice." The language is spare and bureaucratic, offering no explanation for why the government's view of justice had shifted so fundamentally from the moment it secured guilty verdicts to the present day.
The move drew sharp criticism from Greg Rosen, who until recently served as the chief of the Justice Department's Capitol Siege Section—the very unit that had prosecuted these cases. Speaking to CBS News, Rosen characterized the dismissal request as evidence of a troubling principle now embedded in the department's work. "It's a reminder of what drove the pardons in the first place—the political violence is acceptable as long as your politics align," he said. "And it's a continuing and sad commentary on the current state of the department." His words captured the central tension: the same institution that had argued these men posed a threat to the constitutional order was now asking courts to pretend the convictions had never happened.
The appeals process will now determine whether federal judges accept the government's request. If they do, the convictions will be vacated and the cases dismissed entirely. If they decline, the convictions will stand even though the men are free. Either way, the episode has already reshaped how seditious conspiracy—a charge rarely used in American law—will be understood going forward. What prosecutors once framed as a grave threat to the republic has become, in the government's own words, a matter best resolved by erasing the record altogether.
Citas Notables
The United States has determined in its prosecutorial discretion that dismissal of this criminal case is in the interests of justice.— Assistant U.S. Attorney Daniel Lenerz, in DOJ filing
It's a reminder of what drove the pardons in the first place—the political violence is acceptable as long as your politics align. And it's a continuing and sad commentary on the current state of the department.— Greg Rosen, former chief of the Justice Department's Capitol Siege Section