Death of Mahathir's wife severs Malaysia's last bridge between feuding leaders

When the men were enemies, the women were not.
Hasmah and Anwar's wife maintained a friendship that kept political rivals connected despite decades of conflict.
Mark

So this is really about two women holding together a political relationship that the two men had destroyed?

Mimi

Not holding it together exactly—more like keeping a door open. Hasmah and Wan Azizah stayed friends when Mahathir and Anwar were at war. That friendship made it possible for them to work together in 2018.

Luke

But we should be careful here. The source says the friendship "kept it in check," but Anwar and Mahathir are still fighting now. Anwar's sued him for defamation. So how much did the friendship actually restrain anything?

Mimi

Fair point. Maybe it kept things from getting worse. Or maybe it just made the reconciliation in 2018 possible at all. Without that personal connection, they might never have allied.

Mark

And now that Hasmah is gone, what happens?

Mimi

That's the real question. The source calls her a bridge. With her gone, there's no informal channel between the camps. And an election is coming in 2028.

Luke

But again—they're already fighting. Mahathir's already suing Anwar. So the bridge might already be burned.

Mimi

True. But there's a difference between two men who know each other's families and two men who don't. Anwar came to the funeral. He ordered a state funeral. That's not nothing.

Mark

Do we know if Mahathir appreciated that?

Luke

The source says we can't tell. Both men are too experienced to give it away. A state funeral costs a sitting prime minister very little.

Mimi

But the source also says that when a prime minister publicly honours the family of his harshest critic, he sets an example. That matters regardless of what either man felt.

Mark

So the real story is about what comes next—whether the next generation of leaders will have that same restraint.

Luke

Or whether they'll inherit the grudge without the friendship that kept it in check. That's the forward risk the source identifies.

Mimi

And that's why Hasmah's death matters beyond the personal tragedy. It's a structural loss for Malaysian politics.

  • A century of life ended on a September morning, and with it the last informal diplomatic thread connecting two men who have spent decades trying to destroy each other's legacies.
  • Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim stopped mid-speech to announce her death and ordered a state funeral — a gesture of public grace toward the family of a man currently suing him for defamation.
  • The friendship between Hasmah and Anwar's wife Wan Azizah was not sentimental decoration; it was the channel through which reconciliation became possible in 2018, and through which the 2018 election coalition was born.
  • With that personal bridge now gone, the rivalry between the two camps risks passing to successors who will inherit the grudge but not the relationship that kept it human.
  • Malaysia's political culture, built around personalities rather than institutions, leaves it especially vulnerable when the people who hold rival factions together quietly disappear.

When Dr Hasmah Mohd Ali, wife of former Prime Minister Mahathir and a pioneering Malay physician, died at 100 in Putrajaya on September 28, she took with her something that no political institution had ever managed to formalize: a quiet, durable friendship with the wife of her husband's greatest rival that had kept Malaysia's most bitter modern feud from consuming itself entirely. Her passing reminds us that history is sometimes held together not by treaties or constitutions, but by the loyalty of two women who refused to inherit their husbands' enmity. With elections approaching in 2028, Malaysia must now reckon with whether the restraint she embodied can outlast her.

On the morning of September 28, Mahathir Mohamad — 101 years old, seated in a wheelchair with an oxygen tube — wept as his wife of 70 years was buried in Putrajaya. Dr Hasmah Mohd Ali, one of the first Malay women to become a doctor and a lifelong figure in maternal and child health, had died that same morning at 100. Three days later, Mahathir returned to her grave alone and scattered rose petals.

What transformed a family's grief into a national moment was the presence of Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim. The two men's history is among Southeast Asia's most public and prolonged rivalries: Anwar was once Mahathir's chosen heir, sacked and jailed in 1998 on charges he has always called political. They reunited to win the 2018 election, but Mahathir never transferred power as promised, the government collapsed in 2020, and since Anwar took office in 2022, Mahathir has sued him for defamation and called for his resignation.

Yet at the funeral, Anwar interrupted his own speech to announce Hasmah's death, led a prayer, ordered a state funeral, and came with his wife Wan Azizah to shake Mahathir's hand. He later described Hasmah as a maternal figure and a friend. The connection ran deeper than courtesy: Hasmah's elder sister had helped arrange Anwar's marriage to Wan Azizah. When the two men became enemies, the two women did not. Anwar has said it was watching the wives remain close that made it possible for him to move toward reconciliation in 2018.

In Malaysia, where parties are built around leaders rather than ideas, personal friendships between rival camps often substitute for the formal channels that politics closes off. The 2018 coalition that ended six decades of single-party rule depended, in part, on a bond between two doctors that survived what their husbands did to each other.

With Hasmah gone, that bridge is gone too — at a moment when Malay voters are fragmented and an election looms by early 2028. The danger is less that Mahathir and Anwar will escalate their conflict than that their successors will inherit the grudge without the friendship that kept it in check. When a sitting prime minister publicly honours the family of his most vocal critic, he sets a standard against which others can be measured. That example, and the possibility of an honest reckoning between the two men while time remains, should not be allowed to be buried alongside her.

On the morning of September 28, Malaysia's longest-serving prime minister sat in a wheelchair with an oxygen tube and wept. Mahathir Mohamad, now 101, watched his wife of 70 years lowered into the ground in Putrajaya. Dr Hasmah Mohd Ali had died that same morning, aged 100. Three days later, he returned to her grave alone, scattering rose petals and crying again.

Tenderness was not the quality most associated with Mahathir during his decades in power. He was the leader whose critics called him authoritarian, the neighbour who sparred over water and bridges. Yet his marriage to Hasmah, who became one of the first Malay women doctors and spent her career in maternal and child health, remained untouched by scandal. They had met in 1947 as medical students in Singapore.

What made the funeral more than a family's grief was the presence of Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim. Anwar had once been Mahathir's deputy and chosen heir. In 1998, Mahathir sacked him, and Anwar was jailed on charges he has always called political. Twenty years later, the two joined forces to win the 2018 election, ending six decades of rule by the same coalition. Mahathir promised to hand over power. He never did. The government collapsed in 2020. Since Anwar took office in 2022, Mahathir has sued him for defamation, accused him of seeking revenge as anti-corruption investigators examined his sons, and called for his resignation. Southeast Asia has other long rivalries, but none conducted so publicly for so long.

Yet at the funeral, Anwar interrupted his own speech to announce Hasmah's death and lead a prayer. He ordered a state funeral. He came with his wife, Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, shook Mahathir's hand, and wrote afterwards of Hasmah as a maternal figure and a friend. The family received them. None of this was improvised. The two sides were bound before politics divided them: Hasmah's elder sister had helped arrange Anwar's marriage to Wan Azizah. When the men were enemies, the women were not. Anwar said in 2018 that he had found it hard to let go of the past, and that watching the two wives get along was what compelled him to move on.

In Malaysia, political parties are built around individual leaders more than ideas. When official channels between rival camps shut down, personal friendships like this one are what keep them talking. But such friendships are informal, answer to no one, and last only as long as the people in them. The 2018 victory is usually explained by public anger over the 1MDB corruption scandal and by Mahathir's pull with rural Malay voters. It also depended on a friendship between two doctors that survived what their husbands did to each other.

With Hasmah gone, one of the few bridges between the two camps has gone too. This comes at a time when Malay voters are split among several parties, and an election is due by early 2028. The risk is not that the two men start fighting again, because they never stopped. It is that their successors inherit the grudge without the friendship that kept it in check. In this region, leaders who lose power are more often jailed, driven abroad, or written out of history. So when a prime minister publicly honours the family of his harshest critic, he sets an example that other leaders can be measured against.

Mahathir is frail. He was admitted for observation the day after the funeral, though his daughter says he is healthy but lonely. There is still time for a plain accounting of 1998 and 2020, in their own words. Malaysia would gain more from that than from another photograph, and it need not end in an alliance. Hasmah kept the possibility alive through most of their quarrel, and it should not be buried with her.

Watching the two wives get along was what compelled him to move on from the past.
— Anwar Ibrahim, 2018
Hasmah kept the possibility alive through most of their quarrel, and it should not be buried with her.
— Analysis from the source
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