The state apparatus had doubled in size, a pattern de Loredo frames as political construction.
En Córdoba, el exdiputado Rodrigo de Loredo recurrió a la inteligencia artificial para cuantificar lo que la política argentina lleva décadas debatiendo en abstracto: el peso del empleo público como instrumento de poder. El algoritmo confirmó que la planta municipal se duplicó bajo administraciones peronistas, un hallazgo que de Loredo interpreta no como consecuencia del crecimiento urbano, sino como arquitectura deliberada de dependencia electoral. En la historia larga de las democracias latinoamericanas, la pregunta de dónde termina el servicio público y dónde comienza el clientelismo rara vez encuentra respuesta en los datos solos, pero los datos, una vez nombrados, cambian el peso de la conversación.
- De Loredo alimentó ChatGPT con registros históricos de personal municipal y obtuvo una conclusión sin ambigüedades: la planta de empleados se duplicó en el mediano plazo bajo sucesivas gestiones peronistas.
- El hallazgo tensiona el debate fiscal cordobés: recursos que deberían destinarse a infraestructura y servicios básicos estarían absorbidos por una nómina que creció más allá de cualquier justificación operativa.
- La acusación central no es de ineficiencia sino de estrategia: de Loredo sostiene que cada nombramiento fue un voto potencial construido, convirtiendo el empleo público en maquinaria electoral.
- Con las elecciones municipales de 2027 en el horizonte, su entorno calcula que una planta duplicada equivale a una ventaja estructural peronista difícil de desmantelar desde la oposición.
- El interrogante que queda abierto es si los números bastarán para persuadir a una ciudadanía que puede leer el mismo dato como evidencia de manipulación o como respuesta legítima a una ciudad en expansión.
Rodrigo de Loredo, exdiputado nacional y referente del radicalismo cordobés, decidió llevar su argumento de siempre a un terreno nuevo: en lugar de discursos o datos selectivos, procesó los registros históricos de personal municipal con ChatGPT. El resultado fue contundente: la planta de empleados de la ciudad se había duplicado a lo largo de las administraciones peronistas, una cifra que, una vez establecida, resulta difícil de ignorar.
Para de Loredo, el número no describe un error de gestión ni el crecimiento natural de una ciudad que se expande. Describe una construcción política deliberada. Su argumento es que los sucesivos intendentes peronistas ampliaron la nómina municipal no porque la ciudad lo requiriera, sino porque cada empleado incorporado representa un hogar con interés directo en la continuidad del partido gobernante. El análisis rastreó nombramientos permanentes, contratos temporales y trabajadores precarios a través de distintas gestiones, y el patrón fue consistente: crecimiento sostenido sin correlato en necesidades operativas.
La dimensión electoral es la más afilada del argumento. En la política argentina, donde las elecciones municipales se juegan también sobre la movilización de empleados públicos y sus familias, una planta duplicada equivale a un padrón de lealtades duplicado. De cara a los comicios de 2027, el entorno de de Loredo lee esa expansión como una ventaja estructural incorporada a la maquinaria peronista.
Lo que permanece incierto es si el uso de inteligencia artificial para sostener este diagnóstico alcanzará para mover el debate. Los números son elocuentes, pero no determinan elecciones por sí solos. De Loredo eligió su herramienta. La parte más difícil —convencer a los cordobeses de que el diagnóstico es correcto— todavía está por delante.
Rodrigo de Loredo sat in his office and fed the municipal payroll records into ChatGPT. The algorithm confirmed what he had long suspected: Córdoba's municipal workforce had doubled over the medium term. It was not a small finding. It was the kind of number that, once named, becomes hard to ignore.
De Loredo is a former national deputy and the leader of a faction within Córdoba's Radical party. For years, he has made the bloat of municipal government his signature complaint—the way the city's payroll has swollen beyond what operational necessity or population growth could reasonably explain. But this time, instead of relying on speeches or selective data points, he had turned to artificial intelligence to process the historical budget records and personnel rosters across successive Peronist administrations. The machine's verdict was unambiguous: the state apparatus had doubled in size.
For de Loredo, this is not a story about administrative error or the innocent expansion of services to match a growing city. It is, in his view, a deliberate political construction. The Peronist mayors, he argues, have systematically expanded the municipal workforce not because the city needed more workers, but because a larger payroll means more people dependent on government employment, more households with a stake in the ruling party's continuation in power. The analysis traced the curves of permanent appointments, temporary contracts, and precarious workers across the different administrations, and the pattern was clear: growth, growth, and more growth.
De Loredo has long targeted the Suoem—the municipal workers' union—as a symbol of this dynamic. His campaigns for the mayor's office have centered on the idea that public employment has become a tool of political patronage rather than a response to genuine civic need. But the ChatGPT analysis gave him something more concrete: a quantified doubling of the workforce, which he frames as evidence that fiscal resources that should be flowing toward infrastructure, street repairs, and basic services have instead been diverted into payroll.
The political dimension of his analysis is the sharpest part. De Loredo and his circle understand that a doubled municipal workforce represents not just a fiscal problem but an electoral one. In the calculus of Argentine politics, where municipal elections turn partly on the mobilization of public employees and their families, a workforce that has doubled in size is a workforce that has doubled in potential electoral leverage. As operatives in his camp look ahead to the 2027 municipal elections, they see this payroll expansion as a structural advantage built into the Peronist machine—and a structural problem they will need to address if they hope to win.
What remains unclear is whether de Loredo's use of AI to make this argument will shift the terms of the debate in Córdoba. The numbers are stark. But numbers alone do not determine elections. What matters is whether voters see the doubled payroll as evidence of political manipulation or as a reasonable response to a city that has grown and changed. De Loredo has chosen his weapon. Now comes the harder part: convincing the city that the diagnosis is correct.
Notable Quotes
De Loredo frames the payroll expansion as a matrix of political construction rather than administrative error or operational necessity— Reported analysis of de Loredo's position
The Hearth Conversation Another angle on the story
Why did de Loredo turn to ChatGPT instead of just publishing the numbers himself?
Because an algorithm carries a kind of authority that a politician's claim does not. When a machine processes the data and returns a verdict, it feels objective. It feels like proof rather than argument.
But he fed the data into the machine. He chose what to show it.
True. But once the machine speaks, the framing shifts. It's no longer de Loredo making an accusation. It's de Loredo reporting what the data revealed. That's a subtle but powerful difference in how people receive the message.
Is the doubling of the workforce actually a problem, or is it just what happens when a city grows?
That's the real question underneath everything. De Loredo says it's political construction. The Peronists would likely say the city needed more workers. Without knowing the actual service demands, it's hard to say who's right.
So why does he think this matters for 2027?
Because in Argentine politics, public employees are a voting bloc. If you've doubled the number of people whose paychecks depend on the government, you've doubled a constituency that has reason to keep that government in power. It's not corruption, exactly. It's how the machine works.
And de Loredo thinks he can undo that?
He thinks he can name it. Whether naming it is enough to change it—that's a different question entirely.