Climate, not brains, shapes leaders and societies, says Jared Diamond

Diamond references millions killed in the Holocaust and notes his family members were victims, illustrating the human toll of leaders like Hitler.
Climate, not brains, shapes what leaders can achieve
Diamond argues that environmental factors, not individual brilliance, determine whether leaders succeed in reshaping history.
Mark

So Diamond is saying that individual genius barely matters—that it's all geography and climate?

Mimi

Not quite. He's saying genius matters, but only within constraints. Hitler was genuinely charismatic and brilliant at deception. Genghis Khan was a skilled commander. But neither would have achieved what they did without the right environmental conditions.

Luke

But how do we actually measure that? We can't run the experiment twice. We don't know what would have happened if Hitler died in 1930. We're speculating.

Mimi

True. That's why Diamond developed the Hamlet test—looking for cases where the pool of alternatives is so small and well-documented that we can make a real claim.

Mark

And that works for Shakespeare but not Gandhi?

Mimi

Right. Shakespeare had maybe twenty competitors in Elizabethan London. Gandhi had hundreds of millions of Indians. We can't know if someone else could have done what he did.

Luke

So the book is really about the limits of individual agency, not its absence.

Mimi

Exactly. Leaders make a difference, but usually within a narrow range. The big forces—climate, geography, available resources—those set the stage.

Mark

What about cruelty? Doesn't that explain why some societies dominated others?

Mimi

Diamond says no. Every society has cruel people. Cruelty is universal. It doesn't explain differential success because it's not differentially distributed.

Luke

That's a bold claim. It assumes we can measure cruelty across cultures and time periods, which seems impossible.

Mimi

Fair point. But his argument is that if cruelty explained success, we'd expect to see it concentrated in successful societies. Instead, it's everywhere.

  • The comfortable myth of the self-made genius is under direct challenge: Diamond's research suggests that climate, geography, and the luck of domesticable species determined the fate of civilizations more reliably than any individual's brilliance.
  • The stakes are not abstract — Diamond, whose own family perished in the Holocaust, wrestles with how much agency a figure like Hitler truly had, and whether the machinery of genocide could have run without him.
  • A startling climatological discovery reframes Genghis Khan's empire: tree-ring data reveals that the wettest decade in two millennia coincided precisely with his birth, flooding the steppes with the grass that fed the horses that carried his armies to conquest.
  • Diamond's 'Hamlet test' offers a tool for cutting through the noise — asking whether any plausible substitute could have achieved the same outcome, it distinguishes the truly irreplaceable (Shakespeare, Seretse Khama) from the historically overdetermined (Gandhi's India gaining independence, if not its particular path).
  • Even gender inequality, long treated as natural law, is recast as a contingent arrangement rooted in childbearing biology rather than cognitive difference — and Scandinavia's political landscape suggests the arrangement is already being renegotiated.

Across centuries and continents, the question of why certain leaders and societies rise to greatness has haunted historians and philosophers alike. Geographer Jared Diamond offers a quietly radical answer: the forces that elevate a Hitler or a Genghis Khan are less about the fire within the individual and more about the soil, the rain, and the animals that happened to surround them. In his new work, Diamond invites us to hold two truths simultaneously — that leaders do matter, and that the stage on which they perform was built long before they arrived.

Jared Diamond, a geographer at UCLA, has spent decades pursuing a deceptively simple question: what actually makes a leader or a society succeed? His new book examines political figures, military commanders, coaches, and religious leaders across history, arriving at an answer that unsettles conventional wisdom. Greatness, he argues, is less about superior intellect than about climate, geography, and the accidents of birth.

The case of Adolf Hitler illustrates the complexity. Germany was already saturated with post-Versailles resentment and institutional anti-Semitism before Hitler rose. Diamond — whose own family members were killed in the Holocaust — believes Hitler genuinely mattered: he was a charismatic speaker, a skilled deceiver, a bold risk-taker. Yet his agency operated within forces far larger than himself. The question is not whether he made a difference, but how much, and of what kind.

To explain why some civilizations surged ahead of others, Diamond points to the Fertile Crescent, which possessed an extraordinary abundance of domesticable animals and crops. This geographic accident gave the region a two-thousand-year agricultural head start over places like the Indian subcontinent. More food produced larger populations; larger populations enabled specialization — metalworking, writing, empire-building. None of it reflected the intelligence of the people involved. It reflected which plants and animals happened to grow where.

Genghis Khan sharpens the argument. He built the largest land empire in history, surpassing other steppe warlords who were equally skilled. Only recently did climatologists find the explanation: tree-ring analysis revealed that the wettest decade in two millennia fell precisely during Genghis Khan's birth, producing the abundant grass that fed the horses his armies depended upon. Born twenty years later or in a drier region, history would have turned out differently.

Diamond applies what he calls the 'Hamlet test' to determine when a leader was truly irreplaceable — asking whether any plausible substitute could have achieved the same result. Shakespeare passes: no contemporary playwright produced anything approaching 'Hamlet,' and the pool of candidates was vanishingly small. Botswana's founding president Seretse Khama passes too, one of only twenty-two college graduates in the country at independence, and chief of the tribe whose land held the diamonds that would define the nation's future. Gandhi presents a more nuanced case: Indian independence was likely inevitable given Britain's declining power, but the non-violent path Gandhi forged was not. He shaped not the outcome, but the manner of its arrival.

On gender, Diamond is equally clear-eyed. Male dominance across human history reflects biological realities around childbearing and child-rearing, not differences in cognitive capacity. Yet this too is shifting. Scandinavia has produced multiple female heads of state; Diamond's own sister broke barriers as the first woman business reporter at the Los Angeles Times. The trajectory suggests that what has long appeared as biological destiny is, in fact, a social arrangement — and social arrangements can be changed.

Jared Diamond, a geographer at UCLA, has spent decades asking a deceptively simple question: what actually makes a leader or a society succeed? His new book, 'Profits, Prophets, Coaches and Kings: (When) Do Leaders Make A Difference,' tackles the question by examining political figures, business executives, sports coaches, and religious leaders across history. The answer he arrives at challenges the way most people think about greatness. It is not, he argues, about superior brains or individual genius. It is about climate, geography, and the accidents of birth.

Consider Adolf Hitler. Most people blame him entirely for World War II and the Holocaust. But Germany was already seething with resentment after the Treaty of Versailles. Anti-Semitism was already woven into German society. If Hitler had died in a 1930 car accident—a near miss that actually happened—would the Holocaust have occurred anyway? Diamond, whose own family members were killed in the Holocaust, believes Hitler did make a genuine difference. He was an exceptionally charismatic speaker, a brilliant deceiver, and a risk-taker willing to gamble everything on a single stroke. Yet even Hitler's agency was constrained by forces larger than himself. The question is not whether he mattered, but how much, and in what way.

To understand why some societies rose to dominance and others did not, Diamond points to the Fertile Crescent of the Eastern Mediterranean. This region possessed an abundance of domesticable animals—sheep, goats, horses, pigs, cattle—and crops like wheat, barley, peas, and beans. The Indian subcontinent had domesticated species too, notably cattle and sesame, but far fewer. This geographic accident gave the Fertile Crescent a two-thousand-year head start in agriculture. More food meant larger populations. Larger populations meant people could specialize: some could smelt metals, others could develop writing, still others could build empires. Empires emerged in the Fertile Crescent millennia before they took root in India. None of this had anything to do with the brains of the people involved. It had everything to do with which plants and animals happened to grow where.

Genghis Khan illustrates the point with striking clarity. He built the largest land empire in world history, stretching from the coast of China to the border of Europe. Other steppe chiefs—Attila the Hun, Arpad the Hungarian, Timur the Turk—also built empires, but none remotely as vast. Genghis was undoubtedly a skilled military commander and shrewd strategist. So were the others. Why did he alone achieve such dominion? Only in the last decade have climatologists found the answer. By analyzing tree rings from the Asian steppes, they discovered that the wettest decade in two thousand years fell precisely during Genghis Khan's birth. The heavy rainfall meant abundant hay to feed the sheep and goats, and crucially, the horses that Mongol soldiers rode into battle. Genghis Khan had the extraordinary luck, without knowing it, of being born at exactly the right moment and place. Had he been born twenty years later or two hundred miles away, in a drier climate, history would have unfolded entirely differently.

Diamond uses what he calls the 'Hamlet test' to determine when a leader truly made an irreplaceable difference. The test asks: were there other plausible candidates who could have done the same thing? With Shakespeare, the answer is no. 'Hamlet' is often considered the greatest play in the English language. In Elizabethan times, there were only about twenty major London theatres with the infrastructure and talent to produce great drama. Ben Jonson and Christopher Marlowe were among the finest writers of the era. Yet none of their plays approach 'Hamlet.' If Shakespeare had died young of smallpox, we would not have a comparable work. The pool of possible replacements was so small that we can confidently say Shakespeare made a unique difference.

The test can occasionally be applied to politics. When Botswana became independent, the country had only twenty-two college graduates. Seretse Khama was one of them. He was also chief of the most powerful tribe in Botswana—the tribe whose land held the diamonds that would later be industrially developed. He was one of only twenty-two people who could plausibly have become founding president, and he occupied a uniquely advantageous position. We can apply the Hamlet test to Khama and conclude he made a real difference. We cannot apply it to Mahatma Gandhi. India had hundreds of millions of people. By the end of World War II, Britain's power was visibly declining. Demography and geopolitics suggest independence was inevitable. Yet the way independence came was stamped indelibly by Gandhi. It could have arrived as it did in Kenya, through violent conflict between colonizer and colonized. Instead, Gandhi devised techniques of non-violent resistance that rippled across the world. He made a difference not in whether India would be free, but in how freedom would be won.

Diamond's framework extends to the question of gender. Everywhere on Earth, men have been politically and economically dominant. This has nothing to do with men's brains, he argues. It stems from biological differences: women bear children and typically carry primary responsibility for raising them. Among our closest relatives, the common chimpanzee, males are dominant. Among bonobos, females are. Among elephants and hyenas, females lead. Biological differences, and how societies choose to use them, explain male dominance across human history. Yet this too is changing. When Diamond graduated from college in 1958, highly educated women in his class were furious at the lack of opportunities. Within years, the situation began improving. His sister Susan became the first woman business reporter for the Los Angeles Times, breaking the assumption that only men understood commerce. Scandinavia has gone further, with multiple women serving as political leaders. Afghanistan has moved backward. The point is that societies are already evolving away from biological determinism, suggesting that what seems inevitable can be reshaped by choice and will.

If he had been born 20 years later or 200 miles away when it was drier, we wouldn't be talking of the success of Genghis Khan today
— Jared Diamond, on Genghis Khan's rise
The way independence came was stamped indelibly by Gandhi. Independence could have come to the Indian subcontinent as it did to Kenya, with horrible fighting breaking out between the British and local people. That didn't happen. Why? That was because of the distinctive way Gandhi worked
— Jared Diamond, on Gandhi's unique impact
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