China's Defence Chief Pitches Multilateral Security While Sidestepping Direct US-Japan Criticism

Shared security governance as an alternative to traditional US-led arrangements
Dong Jun pitched military cooperation with regional powers as China's vision for a multipolar security framework.
Mark

Why does Dong Jun avoid naming Japan directly when everyone knows that's who he's criticizing?

Mimi

It's diplomatic cover. Direct accusations would escalate tensions and give Japan grounds to respond in kind. Veiled language lets him make the point while preserving the possibility of dialogue.

Luke

But we should be clear: the source doesn't actually confirm that Dong's language was directed at Japan. The article says it was "likely to be taken as" criticism and that analysts "predicted" he wouldn't name them. That's interpretation, not fact.

Mark

So what's the real significance of this forum?

Mimi

It's China's answer to Western-dominated security architecture in Asia. By hosting this gathering and pitching multilateral cooperation, Beijing is trying to show countries there's an alternative to relying on US security guarantees.

Luke

Right, but the actual attendance tells a different story. Western nations sent junior officials. That's not nothing—it suggests they're not taking the bait.

Mark

What about the North Korean delegation?

Mimi

It signals that China is willing to work with countries the West has isolated. It's part of the broader message: we'll cooperate with anyone committed to a multipolar world.

Luke

We should note that North Korea's presence is confirmed only through KCNA, their state media. We don't have independent verification of who attended or what they discussed.

Mark

Does this forum actually change anything on the ground?

Mimi

Not immediately. But it's how China builds consensus and positions itself diplomatically before major talks—like Xi's upcoming meeting with Trump.

Luke

The source doesn't tell us whether previous forums led to concrete agreements or just rhetoric. We're assuming influence without evidence of actual outcomes.

  • China's top defence official used carefully coded language to implicitly rebuke Japan's growing military assertiveness and the United States' regional posture, without triggering direct diplomatic confrontation.
  • The forum convenes as military pressure around Taiwan intensifies and South China Sea disputes remain dangerously unresolved, giving every speech and handshake an edge of urgency.
  • Western nations sent junior officials while regional powers dispatched their defence ministers — a seating chart that reveals exactly how countries are hedging their bets between Washington and Beijing.
  • Chinese scholars, less constrained than the minister, warned openly that Japan's expanding role in the South China Sea may prove more destabilising than American involvement over time.
  • Beijing is using the forum to build coalition support among Global South and ASEAN nations ahead of high-stakes diplomatic talks with the Trump administration, testing the loyalty of the multipolar vision it champions.

At the Beijing Xiangshan Forum, China's Defence Minister Dong Jun offered the world a familiar paradox: a call for peace wrapped in the language of rivalry, a plea for cooperation delivered from a stage built to contest another's influence. Speaking without naming names, Dong warned against militarism and historical revisionism — words whose targets were unmistakable — while positioning China as the natural steward of a multipolar security order. The gathering, timed ahead of an anticipated Xi-Trump summit, reflects a deeper contest over which vision of Asian security will define the coming decades.

Chinese Defence Minister Dong Jun opened the 13th Beijing Xiangshan Forum with a speech calibrated to carry maximum implication with minimum accusation. Warning against "hegemony, militarism and historical revisionism," he avoided naming Japan or the United States directly — yet his audience understood the targets clearly, particularly given Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi's suggestion that a Chinese attack on Taiwan could draw a Japanese military response.

The Xiangshan Forum has been deliberately constructed over two decades as China's answer to Singapore's Shangri-La Dialogue — a stage for military diplomacy, multipolar advocacy, and outreach to nations that feel marginalised by US-led security arrangements. This year's edition carries added weight: it unfolds against a backdrop of Chinese military exercises around Taiwan, unresolved South China Sea tensions, and an anticipated visit by President Xi Jinping to Washington to meet Donald Trump.

Dong's bilateral meetings — with officials from Myanmar, Brunei, Belarus, Azerbaijan, Kyrgyzstan, Armenia, and ASEAN's secretary-general — reinforced his public message, pitching deeper military cooperation as an alternative to existing frameworks. The composition of delegations told its own story: the US sent a senior Pentagon official rather than a cabinet minister, while Vietnam and Malaysia dispatched their top defence leadership, signalling the careful balancing act smaller regional powers are performing.

Where Dong was restrained, Chinese scholars were not. Wu Shicun warned that Japan's growing involvement in the South China Sea could ultimately prove more destabilising than American activity, framing Tokyo as a power seeking to use the waterway as a military springboard. The contrast between ministerial diplomacy and scholarly candour was itself a message — China projecting cooperative intent while ensuring harder warnings reached the room.

The forum's deeper purpose is legible in its timing: Beijing is assembling regional support for its security vision before sitting down with Washington, testing whether Asia's middle powers will lean toward a multipolar framework or hold their ground within traditional American alliances.

Chinese Defence Minister Dong Jun opened the 13th Beijing Xiangshan Forum on Wednesday with a carefully calibrated speech on regional security, calling for countries to abandon provocative military actions and resist what he framed as the resurgence of historical militarism and imperialism. He did not name the United States or Japan directly, but his language—warnings against "hegemony, militarism and historical revisionism"—was widely understood as veiled criticism of Japan's recent military posturing, particularly Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi's suggestion last year that a Chinese attack on Taiwan could trigger a Japanese military response.

The forum itself has become China's premier platform for military diplomacy over the past two decades, carefully constructed as a counterweight to Singapore's Shangri-La Dialogue. It brings together hundreds of military officers, diplomats, and scholars from dozens of countries over three days, providing Beijing with a high-profile stage to champion a multipolar world order and advocate for greater influence for the Global South. This year's gathering is taking place against a backdrop of escalating regional tensions: China has intensified military pressure around Taiwan through repeated war games, while disputes over the South China Sea remain unresolved. The timing is also significant—the forum precedes an expected visit by Chinese President Xi Jinping to Washington to meet with US President Donald Trump, suggesting China is positioning itself diplomatically on questions of regional security architecture.

Dong's public remarks built on bilateral meetings he held with defence officials from Myanmar, Brunei, Belarus, Azerbaijan, Kyrgyzstan, and Armenia, as well as with ASEAN Secretary-General Kao Kim Hourn. In these sessions, he pitched a vision of deeper military cooperation and shared security governance as an alternative framework for managing regional tensions. The approach reflects China's broader strategy of building coalitions among countries that feel sidelined by traditional US-led security arrangements in Asia.

The composition of delegations attending the forum underscores the diplomatic divisions at play. Western governments, including the United States, sent lower-level representatives—the US contingent was led by senior Pentagon official Cynthia Carras rather than a cabinet-level official. By contrast, countries attempting to balance relationships between Washington and Beijing dispatched their top defence leadership: Vietnam sent Defence Minister Phan Van Giang, and Malaysia sent Vice Defence Minister Adly Zahari. North Korea also sent a delegation led by Vice Minister Kim Kang Il, according to state media.

While Dong avoided direct public criticism of Japan or the United States, Chinese scholars at the forum were less restrained. Wu Shicun, chairman of the Huayang Center for Maritime Cooperation and Ocean Governance, warned that Japan's growing involvement in the South China Sea could prove more destabilizing than American activity in the region over the long term. Wu argued that Japan views the waterway as a potential springboard for military operations and control of sea lanes, and suggested that Tokyo's actions would complicate efforts to resolve disputes and negotiate a Code of Conduct among regional states.

The tension between China's diplomatic language and the underlying message is deliberate. By framing the discussion in terms of shared security governance and warnings against historical revisionism rather than direct accusations, Dong positioned China as the voice of multilateral cooperation while implicitly casting Japan as the revisionist power. Taiwan's government continues to reject Beijing's sovereignty claims, and the island remains a flashpoint for potential military confrontation. The forum's timing and messaging suggest China is attempting to build regional support for its security vision ahead of high-level talks with the Trump administration, testing whether countries in Asia will align with Beijing's multipolar framework or maintain their traditional security partnerships with Washington.

We must bear the lessons of history in mind and remain highly vigilant against all latent manifestations of hegemony, militarism and historical revisionism.
— Dong Jun, Chinese Defence Minister
Japan could be more damaging to peace and stability in the South China Sea than the United States over the longer term.
— Wu Shicun, chairman of the Huayang Center for Maritime Cooperation and Ocean Governance
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