Burnham unveils major devolution plan to free mayors from Treasury constraints

Gets us out of the death grip of the Treasury
How South Yorkshire's mayor described the shift from annual grants to retained local tax revenue.
Mark

Why does it matter that mayors can now borrow against future income? Couldn't they always borrow money?

Mimi

They could borrow, but only with Treasury approval, year by year. That meant no bank would lend for a thirty-year project because the funding could disappear. Now they can say to a lender: "This revenue is ours for decades." That changes everything about what's possible.

Mark

So this is really about certainty more than new money?

Mimi

Exactly. The money isn't new—it's replacing grants they already received. But the certainty lets them think like a business instead of a supplicant. They can plan.

Mark

What about the regions that won't benefit as much? Hull versus London?

Mimi

That's the tension nobody has solved yet. London generates more tax because it's wealthier. If you distribute based on what's generated locally, inequality grows. If you redistribute to help poorer areas, you're back to the old system.

Mark

Is Burnham trying to solve that?

Mimi

He's aware of it. The government is pushing areas without mayors to form them, so they can access the same framework. But that's a slow process, and it doesn't change the underlying math.

Mark

What's the biggest project this actually enables?

Mimi

Transport infrastructure that's been stuck in planning limbo. Manchester's Piccadilly station expansion, for instance. It's been talked about for years but couldn't get funding approval. Now a mayor can borrow against future revenue to build it.

Mark

And if the revenue doesn't materialize? If the economy weakens?

Mimi

That's the risk. Mayors are taking on debt against projections. If those projections miss, they're exposed. It's real responsibility, not just real power.

  • Regional mayors have long governed with one hand tied behind their backs, dependent on annual Whitehall grants that could be withheld, redirected, or delayed — that dependency is now being formally dismantled.
  • The ability to borrow against thirty years of projected tax revenue transforms ambition into infrastructure: projects like a long-stalled underground station at Manchester Piccadilly can finally move from proposal to foundation.
  • A stark arithmetic problem shadows the announcement — London stands to retain £2.3 billion under one scenario while Hull and East Yorkshire would receive £135 million, raising fears that devolution rewards the already prosperous.
  • The government is racing to design safeguards against a 'two-tier England,' while also pushing areas without mayoral structures — roughly a quarter of the country's population — to form them before the gap widens further.
  • Key numbers, including the exact percentage of income tax and business rates mayors will keep, remain unresolved and will not be confirmed until the autumn budget, leaving the reform's true scale still unmeasured.

In a move that redraws the centuries-old relationship between London and England's regions, Prime Minister Andy Burnham is transferring meaningful fiscal power to directly elected mayors — allowing them to retain local tax revenues and borrow against their own futures rather than wait on Westminster's annual permission. The reform, taking shape between 2027 and 2028, is less a policy adjustment than a philosophical reckoning with how a centralised state has long held its own regions at arm's length. Whether this devolution becomes a genuine equaliser or simply amplifies the advantages already enjoyed by wealthier cities remains the defining question of its implementation.

Prime Minister Andy Burnham is announcing a fundamental reshaping of how England's regional mayors access money and power. From April 2027, mayors will retain business rates generated within their boundaries; from 2028, they will keep a share of local income tax — revenues that currently flow to Westminster as part of conditional annual grants. Burnham is calling it the biggest transfer of power from Westminster in a generation, and has instructed his cabinet to justify why any power should remain in London rather than move outward.

The practical consequences reach further than the language implies. Combined authorities will be able to borrow against future tax revenue for thirty years, dissolving the requirement for Treasury sign-off at every stage of major projects. Henri Murison of the Northern Powerhouse Partnership pointed to Manchester Piccadilly's long-delayed underground station as the kind of infrastructure this unlocked financing could finally make possible.

The mechanics are still being settled. Chancellor John Healey will confirm the precise percentages mayors retain in the autumn budget. Greater Manchester already offers a working preview: since 2024 it has kept all locally generated business rates, totalling £100 million in its first year, with the mayoral authority retaining £25 million and distributing the rest among its ten constituent councils.

The equity problem, however, is already visible. A 2.5 percent income tax retention rate would deliver £2.3 billion to London and just £135 million to Hull and East Yorkshire. The government is considering safeguards against entrenching regional inequality, and is encouraging the roughly quarter of England's population living in areas without mayoral structures — parts of Dorset, Somerset, Oxfordshire, and others — to form them. Whether this reform ultimately narrows or widens the gap between England's regions depends on decisions still being made across Whitehall.

Prime Minister Andy Burnham is preparing to announce a fundamental reshaping of how England's regional mayors access money and power. Starting in 2028, mayors will keep a portion of the income tax collected within their boundaries. Before that, by April 2027, they'll retain business rates—revenue streams that currently flow to Westminster as part of annual grants that come with strings attached. The shift sounds technical, but local leaders describe it as liberation.

Oliver Coppard, Labour mayor of South Yorkshire, framed the change plainly: it extracts his region from what he called the Treasury's stranglehold, replacing uncertainty with the ability to plan years ahead. Burnham, now prime minister, is calling this "the biggest transfer of power from Westminster in a generation." He has instructed his cabinet to operate under a new principle: justify why any power should stay in London rather than move outward. The message is direct—Westminster has ignored regional concerns for too long, and that era is ending.

The practical consequence is more radical than the language suggests. Combined authorities—the governance bodies that represent England's directly elected mayors—will be able to borrow against their future tax revenue for thirty years. This unlocks projects that previously required Treasury sign-off at every stage. Henri Murison, chief executive of the Northern Powerhouse Partnership, pointed to a concrete example: an underground station at Manchester Piccadilly, a project that has languished partly because mayors couldn't secure long-term financing without annual approval from Whitehall. That constraint dissolves under the new framework.

The mechanics remain unsettled. Officials are still calculating what percentage of income tax and business rates mayors will actually retain. Chancellor John Healey will provide those numbers in the autumn budget. Conservative mayor Ben Houchen of Tees Valley has suggested using income tax revenue to rebate money to residents, though officials note this would be technically complex—mayors don't have access to individual tax records, and because this revenue replaces rather than supplements existing grants, it's more likely to fund long-term infrastructure than giveaways.

The equity problem is already visible in the numbers. If mayors received 2.5 percent of the basic income tax rate, London would capture £2.3 billion in 2026-27, while Hull and East Yorkshire would receive £135 million. Wealthier regions naturally generate more tax revenue. The government is aware of this arithmetic and is considering safeguards to prevent what policy experts call a "two-tier England." The strategy includes encouraging areas without mayoral authorities—parts of Dorset, Somerset, Oxfordshire, Gloucestershire, Wiltshire, and Kent, representing roughly a quarter of the country's population—to form them so they can access the same fiscal autonomy.

Greater Manchester offers a preview. Since 2024, it has retained all business rate income generated within its boundaries. In the first year, that totaled £100 million. The mayoral authority kept £25 million for its own projects while the ten constituent local authorities split the remainder. It's a working model, though modest compared to what the new income tax arrangement could unlock. The Institute for Public Policy Research North called the overall shift "the most significant change in how England is funded in a generation." Whether that transformation narrows or widens regional inequality depends on decisions still being made in offices across Whitehall.

It gets us out of the death grip of the Treasury and gives us that long-term certainty around income.
— Oliver Coppard, Labour mayor of South Yorkshire
The ability for mayors to borrow against future income could unlock huge transport projects such as an underground station at Manchester Piccadilly.
— Henri Murison, chief executive of the Northern Powerhouse Partnership
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