Brics Summit Seeks New Global Order But Struggles to Define It

In Delhi this past weekend, some of the world's most consequential leaders sat down together around a circular table—a gathering that would have seemed impossible just months earlier. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi used the occasion to declare that the nations assembled before him should stop being "rule-takers" and start becoming "rule-shapers." The room included Chinese President Xi Jinping, Russian President Vladimir Putin, Iran's President Masoud Pezeshkian, Abu Dhabi's Crown Prince Sheikh Khaled bin Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, and South African President Cyril Ramaphosa. That these figures occupied the same space at all was itself a diplomatic accomplishment. India and China had fought a deadly clash along their contested border in 2020. Iran and the UAE had found themselves on opposite sides of the Middle East war, with Tehran firing missiles and drones at its fellow Brics member. The fact that Modi could bring them together in person testified to India's diplomatic skill, and the weekend offered a chance for these countries to recalibrate their relationships in the shadow of global upheaval.

Yet the summit exposed a fundamental tension at the heart of the Brics project: the members agree they need something different from the current world order, but they cannot agree on what that something should be or how to build it. For China, Russia, and Iran, Brics represents a tool to reduce American and European dominance. But India has resisted framing the group as explicitly anti-Western. Modi himself said the organization stands "not against anyone." This distinction matters deeply to Delhi, which depends on relationships with nations that are themselves at odds. According to Anil Trigunayat, a veteran Indian diplomat and former ambassador, what India has actually achieved is a push for "strategic autonomy in an era of war" and efforts to "enhance greater collaboration amongst themselves"—a more modest framing than some members might prefer.

The summit managed to produce a joint declaration, which itself was noteworthy given that Brics ministerial meetings had failed twice earlier in the year to issue any statement at all. But the New Delhi Declaration's power lay largely in what it omitted. On the Middle East conflict, the text called for "maximum restraint" and condemned "attacks on civilian infrastructure and peaceful nuclear facilities" without assigning responsibility to any party. It reaffirmed support for a two-state solution and opposed forced displacement of Palestinians, but it carefully anchored these positions to existing UN resolutions rather than staking new ground. Most strikingly, the declaration made no mention of Russia's invasion of Ukraine—a departure from previous Brics statements that signaled how difficult consensus had become. On trade, the members expressed concern about "indiscriminate rising tariffs" and unilateral sanctions but stopped short of naming the United States, a calculated choice to avoid provoking President Donald Trump, who has previously denounced Brics proposals as "anti-American." Praveen Donthi, a senior analyst at the International Crisis Group, noted that the careful language—avoiding any country by name even while condemning Middle East violence—bore "the hallmark of India," though he expressed surprise at the relatively direct reference to tariffs, suggesting India had found an opening to signal its frustration without overstepping.

Beyond the formal declarations, the summit created space for encounters that seemed unthinkable weeks before. Iran's Pezeshkian and Abu Dhabi's Crown Prince held talks together—the highest-level face-to-face meeting between the two countries since the war began. For Iran, the summit offered a platform to demonstrate that it was not isolated as it faced American and Israeli military pressure, sanctions, and a naval blockade on its ports. Pezeshkian used the occasion to press for deeper economic ties with other Brics members, including Malaysia, India, and Ethiopia. For China, the summit marked Xi Jinping's first visit to Delhi in seven years. The 2020 border clash had created deep mistrust, though tensions have gradually eased in recent months. When Xi and Modi met, they exchanged a cordial handshake rather than Modi's customary embrace. Xi departed after less than 24 hours, notably skipping the gala dinner Modi hosted on Saturday evening. Yet according to official statements, the two leaders agreed to strengthen business ties, improve transport links, and remove barriers to trade. Trigunayat sees this as part of a slow warming of relations and believes both sides have the will to cooperate, though he cautioned that "we have to trust, but verify first."

What remains unclear is what comes next. The summit demonstrated that Brics can create diplomatic space where rivals can meet and maneuver outside Western-dominated institutions. But whether the group can translate that space into concrete action on reshaping the global order is an open question. The members have signaled that they need a new system more urgently than ever, yet they remain divided on what should replace the current one and how to build it without antagonizing the powers that currently hold sway.