In a New Delhi conversation on November 14, 2026, former Secretary of State Antony Blinken drew a line that has long shaped Washington's approach to South Asia: India is a partner whose interests with America reach across the globe, while Pakistan is a partner whose importance is confined to its region, even if counterterrorism and crisis management keep it on the table. Speaking as a private citizen rather than an office-holder, he argued that the United States must hold an uncompromising stance against terrorism and respect India's right to defend itself, while working quietly to keep two nu
Blinken: U.S. Must Respect India's Right to Self-Defence and Hold Zero Tolerance on Terrorism
A zero-tolerance policy for terrorism. Period.
Blinken said the U.S. relationship with India is global and with Pakistan regional. Why does that framing matter?
It's a hierarchy stated out loud. He said Pakistan still matters, especially on counter-terrorism, but the two ties are fundamentally different.
And the line about India's right to defend itself?
He paired it with a call for diplomacy to prevent escalation between two nuclear-armed neighbours. Support and restraint, together.
Worth remembering he's a former secretary, speaking at a summit. None of this is current U.S. policy, so it's a view, not a commitment.
He also said Washington might have been too soft on Pakistan's establishment in the past.
He said Cold War and Afghanistan interests may have led to that, and that the U.S. could do more. The "may" matters.
Right, and "do more" isn't defined. He gave no specifics on what that would look like.
What about Russia?
He said the U.S. understands the deep India-Russia history and doesn't want it ended, while accepting differing perspectives.
Same caveat: that's his stated position as a former official, not a statement from the current administration.
Il Polso
- Blinken insists Washington must back India's right to strike back against terrorism while pressing for restraint between two nuclear-armed rivals.
- His sharp split between a 'global' India partnership and a 'regional' Pakistan relationship signals a recalibration that Islamabad will not welcome.
- He calls for an off-ramp in the Iran conflict, warning that escalation could hit U.S. bases, partner states and the Strait of Hormuz, already restricted since February.
- Domestic turbulence looms as Democrats seized both House and Senate in the November 3 midterms, reshaping the political terrain for any policy shift.
- Tech cooperation in AI, quantum and space is being pushed as the next frontier, yet warnings about a self-inflicted wound from lost talent and research ties hang over it.
In a New Delhi conversation on November 14, 2026, former Secretary of State Antony Blinken drew a line that has long shaped Washington's approach to South Asia: India is a partner whose interests with America reach across the globe, while Pakistan is a partner whose importance is confined to its region, even if counterterrorism and crisis management keep it on the table. Speaking as a private citizen rather than an office-holder, he argued that the United States must hold an uncompromising stance against terrorism and respect India's right to defend itself, while working quietly to keep two nuclear-armed neighbours from sliding into open conflict. His remarks look backward at Cold War and Afghan-era choices that softened American scrutiny of Pakistan, and forward toward a technological partnership that he sees as the next chapter in a relationship that has moved from estrangement to something rarer.
On Saturday, November 14, 2026, in New Delhi, former Secretary of State Antony Blinken sat down with Jawed Ashraf of the India Trade Promotion Organisation and made a distinction that will matter to anyone watching South Asia. India, he said, is a global force whose interests with the United States are worldwide in scope. Pakistan is a regional relationship. Blinken did not dismiss Islamabad, noting that counterterrorism and other issues will still require work with it, but he was emphatic that the U.S. must hold zero tolerance for terrorism and respect India's right to defend itself.
He asked for two things at once: support for India's responses to attacks, and diplomacy to prevent escalation between two nuclear-armed neighbours. Looking back, he suggested that Cold War priorities and the Afghan war had made earlier American administrations too gentle on Pakistan's military establishment, and that Washington now has room to do more.
He described the India-U.S. relationship as a journey from estrangement to a partnership that is unusual in its depth, rooted in strategic convergence and people-to-people ties, with space, quantum and artificial intelligence as the next frontier. On Russia, he acknowledged India's long history with Moscow and said Washington does not want New Delhi to abandon it, even though the two will not always agree.
He framed all of this as a profound inflection point, citing how quickly AI has spread and how private firms now outpace governments. He warned that damaging ties between government, universities and research, and turning away skilled foreigners, would be a self-inflicted wound. He also tied the November 3 midterms, which handed Democrats both houses of Congress, to public frustration over living costs and corruption.
On the Iran war launched by President Trump in February, Blinken called the conflict a war of choice and linked it to the 2018 U.S. exit from the nuclear deal, arguing that military force cannot easily produce capitulation and that an off-ramp must be found. He tied a lasting West Asia settlement to a sovereign Palestinian state beside a secure Israel. As a former official, his words are his own and not current U.S. policy.
On Saturday, November 14, 2026, at a summit in New Delhi, former U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken sat down for a conversation with Jawed Ashraf, chairman of the India Trade Promotion Organisation, and drew a sharp line between two relationships Washington manages in South Asia. India, he said, is a global force, and its shared interests with the United States are global in nature. The American relationship with Pakistan, by contrast, is regional.
Blinken did not write Pakistan out of the picture. There will still be important areas where the U.S. needs to work with Islamabad, he said, counter-terrorism among them. But he called the two relationships fundamentally different. His position on terrorism was blunt: the U.S. must have a zero-tolerance policy, period, and that means respecting India's right to defend itself.
He said American policy should do two things at once. It should support India's efforts to respond to attacks, and it should work diplomatically to keep tensions between New Delhi and Islamabad from escalating. He stressed that the two neighbours are nuclear-armed and that the destructive potential of those weapons makes de-escalation important. Looking back, he suggested that Cold War interests and the war in Afghanistan may have made successive U.S. administrations less critical of Pakistan's civil-military establishment, and said there is certainly an opportunity for the U.S. to do more.
On the India-U.S. relationship itself, Blinken described a shift over past decades from estrangement to what he called a genuine and in some ways unique partnership, built on converging strategic interests and underpinned by people-to-people ties. He named technology as the next step: cooperation in space, quantum technology and artificial intelligence. On Russia, he acknowledged the deep history between India and Russia and said Washington does not want New Delhi to end it, though the two countries will not always share the same perspective.
Blinken, who was the 71st Secretary of State from 2021 to 2025 under President Joe Biden, placed all this against what he called a profound inflection point. He said the speed and profundity of change exceeds anything in his lifetime, and noted that ChatGPT took one month to reach 50 million users, against 75 years for the telephone. Private companies, he said, increasingly drive technology while governments struggle to keep up, and growing inequality has left many younger people feeling left out and left behind.
He warned that the U.S. risks weakening itself by damaging cooperation among government, universities and research institutions, and by becoming less welcoming to skilled people from abroad. The biggest danger, he said, is a huge self-inflicted wound. On domestic politics, he said the results of the November 3 midterms went beyond the usual setback for a sitting president's party, and attributed them partly to frustration over the cost of living and concerns about corruption. Democrats won majorities in both the House and the Senate, taking Congress out of Republican control.
Blinken also addressed the U.S.-Israeli military campaign against Iran, which President Donald Trump launched in February. He called it a war of choice and said the first Trump administration's 2018 withdrawal from the 2015 nuclear agreement, the JCPOA, contributed to the crisis. By his account, that deal required Iran to ship out 97% of its enriched uranium, limited its centrifuges and allowed extensive inspections; after the U.S. exit, Iran accelerated its programme. He said military action will not settle the matter: forcing the regime to capitulate is very hard, while getting it to negotiate is possible, and the two are very different things.
He called for an off-ramp, warning that escalation could bring attacks on regional infrastructure, U.S. bases and partner countries. The Strait of Hormuz, he said, was not a problem before the war but has become a major challenge for global energy supplies; since February, Iran has repeatedly restricted access to the narrow, heavily trafficked oil channel.
On the wider conflict in West Asia, he said a lasting settlement requires a sovereign Palestinian state alongside a secure Israel. He noted that roughly seven million Jews live in Israel and seven million Arabs and Palestinians live across Israel proper, the West Bank and Gaza, and that no one is going anywhere, whatever extremists on both sides want. He acknowledged this is not a popular view. Blinken no longer holds office, so his remarks are those of a former official, not U.S. policy.
Citazioni salienti
We have to have a zero-tolerance policy for terrorism. Period. And that means that we have to have respect for India's right to defend itself.— Antony Blinken, former U.S. Secretary of State
It is very hard to try to force this Iranian regime to capitulate; it is possible to get it to negotiate.— Antony Blinken