Berlin's Left Party faces legal, political hurdles on housing expropriation promise

Article 15 has never been used in German history. No one knows what happens when you try.
The legal foundation for expropriation exists but remains untested, creating uncertainty about whether Berlin can actually implement the plan.
Mark

So the Left Party won the election partly on this expropriation promise, but the federal government says it won't allow it. How much power does Berlin actually have here?

Mimi

That's the core question. Articles 14 and 15 of the German constitution do seem to permit it. The expert commission said it was legal. But Article 15 has never been used in German history, so no one really knows what happens when you try.

Luke

Right—and that's crucial. The commission said it was "possible," but they also said budget questions needed clarification. That's not the same as saying it's definitely going to work.

Mark

What about the federal government's threat to ban it with a federal law?

Mimi

Merz says he'll do it, but constitutional scholars are skeptical he has the power. The Constitutional Court has ruled before that the federal government can't just override state authority in areas the states control.

Luke

But that doesn't mean he won't try, or that it won't create years of legal chaos. And property companies will sue no matter what. This isn't a clean legal path.

Mark

How much has public opinion shifted on this?

Mimi

That's the striking part. In 2021, 57.6 percent voted yes. Now only 37 percent support it. The mandate is eroding even as the Left tries to implement it.

Luke

Which suggests the issue may have been more about frustration with rents than genuine commitment to expropriation as a solution. Once it becomes real, people get nervous.

Mark

And even if they did expropriate, would it actually fix the rent crisis?

Mimi

The Left Party admits it would take years to implement and even longer to affect overall rents. They're also pursuing rent caps as a faster option.

Luke

So the thing they won the election on might not solve the problem it was supposed to solve, and they may not even be able to do it legally. That's the real story.

  • Berlin's Left Party rode a five-year-old referendum mandate to election victory, but the federal government moved to block expropriation within hours of the result.
  • Chancellor Merz has pledged a federal law banning state-level property seizures, framing it as a signal to international investors — though constitutional scholars doubt he has the authority to do so.
  • The legal foundation for expropriation under Article 15 of Germany's Basic Law has never been tested in court, leaving the entire plan suspended in untried legal territory.
  • Coalition negotiations with the SPD and Greens risk fracturing over expropriation, while property companies stand ready to sue for compensation far exceeding any government offer.
  • Public support has quietly collapsed — from 57.6% in the 2021 referendum to just 37% in recent polling — suggesting the mandate that delivered victory may not survive the attempt to honor it.

In a city where housing costs have become the central anxiety of daily life, Berlin's Left Party won power on a promise made not just by politicians but by the people themselves — a 2021 referendum in which nearly three in five Berliners called for the expropriation of large property firms. Yet the distance between a democratic mandate and its legal execution is proving vast: federal opposition, constitutional ambiguity, and shifting public sentiment now stand between the election result and the transformation it seemed to authorize. What unfolds in Berlin is an old question wearing new clothes — whether a city's collective will can prevail against the architecture of law, capital, and federal power.

On September 20, Berlin voters handed the Left Party a decisive election victory built on a single, long-deferred promise: to implement what the city had already demanded five years prior. In 2021, 57.6 percent of Berliners had voted to expropriate apartments held by large real estate companies — those owning more than 3,000 units. The campaign, known as "Deutsche Wohnen & Co. enteignen," envisioned bringing 240,000 to 270,000 apartments into public ownership, pushing Berlin's publicly held rental share above 30 percent. The Left Party was the only major force willing to carry that mandate forward.

The legal path, however, was always narrow. A 13-member expert commission appointed after the referendum concluded in 2023 that expropriation was constitutionally possible under Articles 14 and 15 of Germany's Basic Law — but Article 15, the more sweeping provision allowing transfer of land to public ownership, has never once been used in German history. Its constitutionality, and its compatibility with European law, remains entirely untested.

The political ground had already shifted before the election. A CDU-led government under Chancellor Kai Wegner took office in 2023 and rejected expropriation outright, drafting instead a socialization law that would define public ownership conditions while explicitly excluding seizure. The expropriation campaign dismissed it as hollow and began preparing its own legal framework.

Federal Chancellor Friedrich Merz responded to the Left Party's victory with swift alarm, promising legislation to bar state governments from expropriating property at all — framing it as a message to international capital. Constitutional experts, however, questioned whether the federal government holds that authority, noting that Germany's Constitutional Court has previously limited federal reach into areas of state governance.

Now the Left Party faces coalition talks, likely with the SPD and Greens, in which expropriation may prove the sharpest point of friction. Even its own leaders acknowledge that implementation would take years and affect rents only gradually. And the public mood has shifted: where 57.6 percent once voted yes, only 37 percent now say they favor the measure. The mandate that won the election may not survive the effort to fulfill it.

On September 20, Berlin voters handed the socialist Left Party a significant election victory, largely on the strength of a single promise: to finally implement what the city had already decided five years earlier. In 2021, 57.6 percent of Berliners had voted yes on a referendum asking whether the government should expropriate apartments owned by large real estate companies—those holding more than 3,000 units. The Left Party was the only major party on the ballot willing to carry that mandate forward. But within hours of the election result, the federal government made clear it would not allow it to happen.

The housing crisis in Berlin has become the city's defining political problem. Rents have climbed steadily, and surveys showed that housing costs dominated voter concerns in this election. The expropriation campaign, called "Deutsche Wohnen & Co. enteignen"—named after the largest property developer involved—had spent years building grassroots support for a radical solution: take the apartments. Deutsche Wohnen alone owns 100,000 units in Berlin out of 140,000 across Germany. If the government seized the holdings of Deutsche Wohnen and a handful of similar firms, the campaign argued, it could bring roughly 240,000 to 270,000 apartments into public ownership and rent them at affordable rates. Currently, about 25 percent of Berlin's rental stock is already publicly owned through state companies like Berlinovo. Expropriation would push that share above 30 percent.

The 2021 referendum was not binding. Instead, the then-governing coalition—made up of the Social Democrats, Greens, and Left Party—appointed a 13-member expert commission to determine whether the plan was constitutional and how compensation could work. The commission included former justice ministers and constitutional scholars. In 2023, they concluded that expropriation was legally possible under Articles 14 and 15 of Germany's Basic Law. Article 14 permits expropriation for the public good. Article 15 goes further, allowing the state to transfer land and means of production to public ownership through legislation. But there was a catch: Article 15 had never actually been used in German history. It was untested legal territory.

Then the political ground shifted. In 2023, a new government took office led by the Christian Democratic Union and Chancellor Kai Wegner, who flatly rejected expropriation. The CDU announced it would draft a socialization law instead—one that would define conditions for public ownership but explicitly rule out seizure. A draft was completed in December 2025. The expropriation campaign dismissed this as meaningless and began preparing its own legal framework and a new referendum campaign to force the issue.

Federal Chancellor Friedrich Merz responded to the Left Party's September election victory with immediate alarm. He promised to draft a federal law banning state governments from expropriating property at all. "It's not just about banning something here in Berlin," he said at a press conference. "It's about sending a clear message to international investors, which is: There is no expropriation of private property in Germany." But constitutional experts questioned whether the federal government actually has the power to impose such a ban. Germany's Constitutional Court has previously ruled that the federal government cannot simply pass a law to prevent a state from governing in areas under its authority.

The legal terrain is genuinely uncertain. While Article 14 expropriation happens regularly—for highways, for instance—Article 15 has never been tested in court. Some legal experts argue it would violate European law. Property companies would almost certainly sue, demanding compensation far higher than any government would offer. The Left Party itself acknowledges that even if expropriation were implemented, it would take years to execute and longer still to measurably affect Berlin's overall rent levels. In the meantime, the party is pursuing faster measures like rent caps.

The Left Party must now negotiate a coalition government, likely with the SPD and Greens. Expropriation could become a major point of friction in those talks, especially given federal opposition and the controversy surrounding the issue. And public support has already begun to erode. A recent poll found that only 37 percent of Berliners still favor expropriating real estate companies—a significant drop from the 57.6 percent who voted yes in 2021. The mandate that won the Left Party the election may not survive the process of trying to fulfill it.

It's not just about banning something here in Berlin. It's about sending a clear message to international investors, which is: There is no expropriation of private property in Germany.
— Federal Chancellor Friedrich Merz
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