When Britain's central bank was founded in 1694, the capital that gave it life was inseparable from the suffering of millions of enslaved Africans. New scholarship now traces with precision how the Bank of England's founders, directors, and governors were not merely bystanders to the transatlantic slave trade but active architects of it — and how the wealth extracted from that system became embedded in the foundations of modern British finance. The research arrives at a moment when Caribbean and African nations are pressing with growing urgency for governments to move beyond acknowledgment tow
Bank of England's founding tied to slave trade wealth, research reveals
Wealth from the slave trade formed part of the Bank's initial capital
So the Bank of England was founded with money from the slave trade. Is that what this research is saying?
Not exactly. It's saying that the people who founded the Bank and provided its initial capital were deeply invested in slavery. The wealth they brought to the table came from that trade. Whether the Bank itself was "founded with" slave money depends on how you trace capital flows—but the entanglement is undeniable.
Right, and we should be precise about what we know. Bennett found 24 directors who invested in trafficking. Four were founders. But how much of the Bank's actual capital came from slave wealth versus other sources? The research shows the connection; it doesn't necessarily quantify the proportion.
What about the Bank owning enslaved people directly?
That's separate and stark. The Bank owned 599 enslaved people on two plantations. They had names—Pierre, Catherine, Alexandre. The Bank put those names in an exhibition in 2022.
Which is important, but also: why European names? Were those the names given to them by enslavers, or their own names? The source doesn't say. And the exhibition happened after the 2020 protests—so this wasn't something the Bank volunteered to examine on its own.
The government paid £20 million to enslavers when slavery ended. Did the Bank get some of that?
The Bank and Treasury were centrally involved in distributing it. So yes, the Bank benefited from that compensation scheme. But the enslaved people got nothing.
That's the key asymmetry. And it's worth noting: the Treasury still hasn't apologized. The Bank has. That's a real difference in institutional posture, even if it doesn't undo the history.
Why does this matter now?
Because Caribbean and African nations are demanding accountability. This research adds pressure on the government to acknowledge what happened and discuss reparations.
Though we should say: the government has explicitly resisted that discussion. So this research is evidence in an argument that hasn't been won yet.
Der Puls
- A historian at the University of Sheffield has documented that 24 Bank of England directors — including four founding members and nine governors — were direct investors in the trafficking of enslaved Africans, placing the institution's origins at the heart of one of history's gravest crimes.
- One governor, Humphry Morice, used his position to defraud the Bank itself in order to finance voyages that transported more than 30,000 enslaved people across the Atlantic — a scale of trafficking that made him the largest London-based enslaver of his era.
- When abolition finally came in 1833, the British government paid £20 million — worth roughly £23 billion today — not to the enslaved or their descendants, but to the enslavers, with the Bank and Treasury administering those payments.
- The Bank of England has since apologized and mounted a public exhibition naming the 599 enslaved people it directly owned on plantations, but the Treasury has offered no acknowledgment, no apology, and no engagement with reparations.
- As Bennett's research continues to surface new connections and as Caribbean and African nations intensify their demands, the gap between institutional contrition and government silence is becoming increasingly untenable.
When Britain's central bank was founded in 1694, the capital that gave it life was inseparable from the suffering of millions of enslaved Africans. New scholarship now traces with precision how the Bank of England's founders, directors, and governors were not merely bystanders to the transatlantic slave trade but active architects of it — and how the wealth extracted from that system became embedded in the foundations of modern British finance. The research arrives at a moment when Caribbean and African nations are pressing with growing urgency for governments to move beyond acknowledgment toward accountability, and when the Treasury's continued silence grows harder to defend.
When the Bank of England opened in 1694, the capital behind it had been shaped by one of history's most systematic atrocities. New research by Dr. Michael Bennett of the University of Sheffield reveals that 24 of the Bank's directors invested substantially in the transatlantic trafficking of enslaved Africans — four of them founding members, nine of them governors. Among the original subscribers who provided the Bank's initial capital were King William III and Queen Mary II, both shareholders in the Royal African Company, the chartered monopoly that dominated English slave trading.
The most striking figure in Bennett's research is Humphry Morice, who served as governor from 1727 to 1729. Morice used his position to defraud the Bank in order to fund his trafficking operations, equipping around 110 voyages that transported more than 30,000 enslaved men, women, and children to colonies across the Americas. The Bank has since described him as the largest London-based trafficker of enslaved people from Africa to British colonies.
Work by historians at University College London's Legacies of British Slavery archive corroborates the scale of these entanglements, documenting that 16 past governors and 26 directors held direct financial interests in enslaved people and plantations. The Bank itself owned 599 enslaved people on two plantations — individuals it named in a 2022 exhibition, most recorded only by European names, with no record of where they had been taken from.
When abolition came in 1833, the British government paid £20 million — roughly £23 billion today — not to the enslaved, but to their enslavers, with the Bank and Treasury central to distributing those payments. The Bank has since apologized and engaged publicly with its history. The Treasury has not. As Caribbean and African nations press with growing urgency for accountability, and as Bennett's research promises further revelations, the government's silence is becoming a position increasingly difficult to hold.
When the Bank of England opened its doors in 1694, it did so with capital that had been accumulated through one of history's most systematic atrocities. New research into the founding of Britain's central bank reveals that dozens of the men who established and directed the institution—including four of its original founders and the reigning monarchs themselves—had made their fortunes from the trafficking and enslavement of African people across the Atlantic.
Dr. Michael Bennett of the University of Sheffield has spent years tracing the connections between the Bank's leadership and the slave trade. His findings show that 24 directors of the Bank invested substantially in the transatlantic trafficking of enslaved Africans. Four of these men were among the elite financiers who founded the Bank in its opening year. Another 20 served as directors over the following century. Nine of the 24 rose to the position of governor. The last of these men, Christopher Puller, remained a director for 11 years until his death in 1789. Puller had been a weapons shipper for the slave trade and co-owner of a 1786 voyage that transported enslaved people from the Gambia to Jamaica.
When Bennett examined the founding subscribers—the investors who provided the Bank's initial capital—he discovered that at least 30 of them had money invested in enslaving and trafficking Africans. At the top of this list were King William III and Queen Mary II, who held shares in the Royal African Company, the chartered monopoly that dominated English slave trading. The wealth that flowed from this trade, Bennett concluded, formed part of the Bank's foundational capital. One emblematic figure was John Rudge, an MP for Evesham who served as a Bank director from 1699 to 1740 and as governor in 1713 and 1714. Rudge held shares in the Royal African Company, served as one of its directors, and was deputy governor of the South Sea Company, another major financial institution built partly on slave-trade wealth.
The most striking case is that of Humphry Morice, who served as a Bank director and governor from 1727 to 1729. Morice was also an MP, and he used his position to defraud the Bank itself in order to fund his trafficking operations. Between 1704 and 1732, Morice equipped approximately 110 ship voyages that transported more than 30,000 enslaved men, women, and children to Jamaica, Barbados, Virginia, and other colonies in the Americas. This trafficking was his principal business. When the Bank later acknowledged its history, it described Morice as the largest London-based trafficker of enslaved people from Africa to the British colonies.
Research conducted by historians at University College London's Legacies of British Slavery archive has added further weight to these findings. That work documented that 16 past governors of the Bank of England and 26 directors had direct financial interests in the ownership of enslaved people and plantations before abolition in 1833. The Bank itself owned 599 enslaved people on two plantations. In 2022, the Bank mounted an exhibition that included the names of these people—most listed with European names such as Pierre, Catherine, and Alexandre, with no information about the countries from which they had been taken.
When slavery was abolished in 1833, the British government did not compensate the enslaved or their descendants. Instead, it paid £20 million—equivalent to approximately £23 billion in today's money—to the enslavers themselves as compensation for the loss of their human property. The Bank of England and the Treasury were centrally involved in distributing these payments. The Treasury has never publicly acknowledged its role in this system or apologized for it, maintaining the government's broader position of resisting discussion of reparations and refusing to acknowledge culpability for centuries of trafficking and enslavement.
The Bank of England has acknowledged its history and apologized. In a statement, a Bank spokesperson said it had explored its connections to enslavement in depth through its 2022 exhibition and expressed gratitude for Dr. Bennett's collaboration on that work. But the Treasury's silence stands in contrast. As pressure builds from Caribbean and African nations demanding accountability, Bennett's research—which will reveal even more connections between the Bank's leadership and the slave trade—is likely to intensify calls for the government to do the same.
Bemerkenswerte Zitate
Slave traders and their wealth were firmly embedded within Britain's, especially London's, private banks and financial corporations during the 17th and 18th centuries. They shaped the development of the financial system.— Dr. Michael Bennett, University of Sheffield
The Bank of England supported this system throughout, and directly provided financial services to the slave trade. Its clients included the Royal African Company and the South Sea Company.— Dr. Michael Bennett