Asean must deepen integration to counter geopolitical risks, says Singapore FM

Myanmar's civil war since February 2021 has created an ongoing humanitarian crisis affecting millions of civilians.
We can control our own fate by deepening integration
Balakrishnan argues Asean cannot dictate superpower actions but can strengthen itself through regional connectivity and trade.
Mark

So Balakrishnan is saying Asean needs to integrate more to survive the Trump era. But what does integration actually mean in practice?

Mimi

It's a mix of things. Upgrading trade agreements, building a digital economy framework, connecting energy grids across borders. Concrete infrastructure and policy alignment, not just rhetoric.

Luke

But those negotiations are ongoing—the digital framework doesn't conclude until 2025, the power grid is still proposed. How much of this is already locked in versus aspirational?

Mimi

Fair point. The trade agreements exist, but they're being upgraded. The power grid is real in concept but requires multilateral coordination that hasn't happened yet.

Mark

And Myanmar—that's the elephant in the room, right? Four years into civil war, and Asean can't even get its own member to the table.

Mimi

Right. The generals are barred from formal meetings. They sent a permanent secretary instead. Asean appointed a new special envoy, but Balakrishnan himself said resolution is nowhere near.

Luke

So what's the actual leverage Asean has over Myanmar? Is the Five-Point Consensus anything more than a statement?

Mimi

Asean's power is convening and dialogue. They can bring parties together, but they can't enforce compliance. Myanmar needs national reconciliation, but that's Myanmar's choice to make.

Mark

And then there's this explosion of new groupings—Brics, Aukus, the Quad. Is Asean getting sidelined?

Mimi

Balakrishnan sees it differently. He says countries are hedging, building networks. Asean's advantage is that it sits at the center of the East Asia Summit, which includes all eight major partners.

Luke

But Indonesia joined Brics as a full member. That's a real choice to align elsewhere. How does that fit with Asean unity?

Mimi

It's the tension Balakrishnan is describing—countries keeping options open. Singapore's approach is to monitor these groupings but not commit to membership without careful assessment.

  • With Trump's inauguration one day away, Asean's ministers convened under the shadow of looming tariffs and a global trading order that may soon look very different.
  • Myanmar's civil war — now in its fourth year — cast a quiet crisis over the room, with junta representatives present but the path to peace nowhere in sight.
  • The bloc is racing to upgrade trade agreements with China, South Korea, and India, finalize a digital economy framework, and advance a cross-border power grid before external pressures outpace internal reform.
  • Asean members are hedging in multiple directions at once — some joining Brics, others deepening ties with the Quad — revealing a region that is united in anxiety but divided in strategy.
  • Singapore is threading the needle by deepening bilateral ties with Vietnam and Malaysia while publicly resisting formal alignment with any emerging power bloc.
  • The grouping's trajectory in 2025 hinges on whether economic integration can move faster than geopolitical fragmentation.

On the eve of a new American administration, the foreign ministers of Southeast Asia gathered on the Malaysian island of Langkawi to ask an enduring question: how does a coalition of smaller nations preserve its relevance when the great powers reshape the world around them? Singapore's Foreign Minister Vivian Balakrishnan offered an answer rooted not in defiance but in depth — that Asean's surest protection lies in becoming so economically integrated and strategically indispensable that no power can afford to ignore it. The meeting, Malaysia's first as Asean's 2025 chair, laid bare both the ambition and the fragility of that vision, from unresolved conflict in Myanmar to contested waters in the South China Sea.

When Asean's foreign ministers gathered in Langkawi on January 19, the timing alone carried weight. Donald Trump's inauguration was scheduled for the following morning, and the prospect of sweeping tariffs and a retreat from multilateralism hung over the closed-door retreat. Singapore's Foreign Minister Vivian Balakrishnan emerged with a measured but pointed message: Asean cannot control what superpowers do, but it can control what it becomes — and its best defense is to make itself indispensable.

The ministers worked through concrete proposals toward that goal. Talks focused on upgrading the Asean Trade in Goods Agreement, renegotiating free trade deals with China, South Korea, and India, and pushing toward a 2025 conclusion of the Asean Digital Economy Framework Agreement. The proposed Asean Power Grid — enabling cross-border energy trade and a regional green transition — was described by Balakrishnan as a forward-looking priority rather than a distant aspiration.

Yet the meeting's most sobering undercurrent was Myanmar. Now four years into a military-imposed civil war, the country sent a foreign ministry official rather than its ruling generals, who remain excluded from formal Asean sessions. The bloc reaffirmed its Five-Point Consensus and announced the appointment of former diplomat Othman Hashim as special envoy. Balakrishnan was candid: Myanmar needs national reconciliation, and Asean can convene but cannot compel.

The broader strategic landscape is fracturing in ways that complicate Asean's balancing act. Indonesia has joined Brics as a full member; Malaysia, Vietnam, and Thailand have become partner countries. Aukus and the Quad are reshaping security alignments. Balakrishnan framed this proliferation as countries hedging under uncertainty — and said Singapore's response is to maintain relationships across all groupings while remaining cautious about formal commitments.

On the bilateral front, the retreat yielded real momentum. Singapore and Vietnam are set to upgrade their relationship to a comprehensive strategic partnership in 2025, with cooperation planned across renewable energy, carbon credits, and the digital economy. Singapore and Malaysia continued follow-up on the Johor-Singapore Special Economic Zone and a range of shared priorities from an earlier leaders' retreat.

What Langkawi produced was a portrait of a bloc trying to hold its center while the world pulls in competing directions — betting that deep integration, digital connectivity, and strategic neutrality can outlast the pressures closing in from outside.

Singapore's Foreign Minister Vivian Balakrishnan sat down with reporters in Langkawi, Malaysia, on January 19 after a closed-door gathering of Asean's foreign ministers—the first high-level meeting hosted by Malaysia in its role as the bloc's 2025 chair. His message was direct: the ten-member grouping cannot dictate the actions of superpowers, but it can control its own fate by deepening integration, strengthening economies, and building connectivity across the region.

The timing of his remarks was pointed. Donald Trump's inauguration was scheduled for the following day, and with it came the prospect of tariffs, trade restrictions, and a shift toward protectionist policies that would reshape global commerce. Balakrishnan acknowledged this reality without alarm. Asean would adapt, he said, but the bloc's best defense lay not in reacting to external pressures but in making itself indispensable—as a trading partner, an investment destination, and a source of capital. This required long-term policies that were consistent, reliable, and trustworthy, paired with inclusive engagement across all the major powers: America, China, Europe, India, and Japan.

The ministerial retreat addressed concrete mechanisms for achieving this. Discussions centered on upgrading the existing Asean Trade in Goods Agreement and renegotiating free trade deals with China, South Korea, and India. Multilateral frameworks were also on the agenda, particularly the Asean Digital Economy Framework Agreement, launched in September 2023 as a roadmap for the region's digital transformation. Negotiations for that agreement are expected to conclude in 2025. Beyond trade, the ministers discussed the proposed Asean Power Grid—a project Balakrishnan called concrete and forward-looking—which would enable cross-border energy trade and accelerate the region's transition to green and sustainable energy.

Yet the retreat's backdrop revealed the fragility of regional unity. Tensions in the South China Sea remain disputed and unresolved. The conflict in Myanmar, now in its fourth year since the military coup of February 2021, continues to generate a humanitarian crisis with no clear path to resolution. Myanmar was represented at the gathering not by its ruling generals, who remain barred from formal Asean meetings, but by a permanent secretary from the junta-controlled Foreign Ministry. The bloc reaffirmed its Five-Point Consensus, which calls for an immediate end to violence, dialogue among all stakeholders, and access for an Asean special envoy to meet all parties. Malaysia's Foreign Minister announced that former diplomat Othman Hashim has been appointed to that envoy role, serving a one-year rotating term. Balakrishnan was candid about the impasse: Myanmar needs national reconciliation, and while Asean can serve as a convener, the situation remains nowhere near resolution.

Beyond Myanmar, the ministers grappled with a broader strategic puzzle. The world is fragmenting into overlapping networks of alignment and competition. Indonesia has joined Brics as a full member, while Malaysia, Vietnam, and Thailand have become Brics partner countries. Australia, the United Kingdom, and the US formed Aukus; Australia, India, Japan, and the US created the Quad. Balakrishnan framed this proliferation as a symptom of uncertainty—countries hedging their bets, building new economic opportunities, and keeping their options open. Singapore's approach, he said, is to maintain good relationships with all parties, assess the strategic and economic coherence of these groupings, and remain cautious about formal membership commitments.

The retreat also produced bilateral momentum. Balakrishnan met with Vietnam's Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Bui Thanh Son to discuss cooperation in renewable energy, carbon credits, and the digital economy. Singapore and Vietnam will upgrade their bilateral ties to a comprehensive strategic partnership in 2025, with planned exchanges of visits between Singapore's Prime Minister Lawrence Wong and Vietnam's Communist Party General Secretary To Lam. Balakrishnan also met Malaysia's Foreign Minister to follow up on priorities from a bilateral leaders' retreat held on January 7, including the finalized Johor-Singapore Special Economic Zone agreement and ongoing discussions about education, energy, airspace, water, and maritime boundaries.

What emerged from Langkawi was a picture of Asean attempting to navigate between great powers while managing internal fractures. The bloc's strength, Balakrishnan suggested, lies not in choosing sides but in becoming so economically integrated, digitally connected, and strategically valuable that all major powers have reason to maintain engagement. Whether that vision can withstand the pressures of protectionism, great power competition, and unresolved regional conflicts remains the central question facing the grouping in 2025.

Asean cannot control the agendas of the superpowers, but we can focus on integrating ourselves, strengthening our economies, and our connectivity.
— Foreign Minister Vivian Balakrishnan
Myanmar remains an integral member of Asean, but it needs to sort itself out. It needs national reconciliation.
— Foreign Minister Vivian Balakrishnan
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