Anwar Ibrahim: Can Middle Powers Hold Superpowers Accountable?

If superpowers ignore the rules they wrote, what leverage do the rest of us have?
Anwar Ibrahim frames the central dilemma facing middle powers in an era of great-power competition.
Mark

When you say middle powers need to hold superpowers accountable, what does that actually look like in practice? What's the mechanism?

Mimi

It has to be collective. One country alone has no leverage. But if Malaysia, Indonesia, Vietnam, India—if we coordinate on trade, on diplomatic recognition, on which institutions we participate in—then we become harder to ignore or punish.

Mark

But doesn't that require a level of unity that middle powers have never really achieved? Each country has different relationships with the superpowers.

Mimi

Exactly. That's the real problem. China is Malaysia's largest trading partner. The United States is a security guarantor in the region. How do I hold both accountable when I depend on both?

Mark

So is the answer just to pick a side?

Mimi

That's what the superpowers want us to do. But if we do, we lose whatever independence we have left. The question is whether we can resist that pressure long enough to build something different.

Mark

And if we can't?

Mimi

Then the rules-based order becomes a fiction. It becomes a system where the powerful do what they want and the rest of us follow.

  • The rules-based international order is fracturing at its foundation — superpowers are openly disregarding the trade, justice, and sovereignty norms they themselves authored, leaving smaller nations exposed and without recourse.
  • Malaysia feels this pressure acutely, positioned at the crossroads of global commerce and caught in the competing gravitational fields of Washington and Beijing, where the cost of neutrality grows heavier by the year.
  • Anwar Ibrahim is pushing back against the binary of alignment or isolation, insisting that middle powers can collectively demand the same standards be applied to the powerful as to the powerless.
  • Yet coalition-building among vulnerable nations is fragile — each country carries its own dependencies and fears, and a single defection to appease a superpower can unravel the collective position entirely.
  • The trajectory is unresolved: Malaysia's stance signals a growing global tension between principled neutrality and the hard pragmatism of choosing sides before the choice is made for you.

As the architecture of international order strains under the weight of great-power self-exemption, Malaysia's Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim has stepped forward to ask a question that haunts dozens of smaller nations: when the rule-writers abandon their own rules, who remains accountable to whom? Speaking from a position neither powerful enough to dictate nor small enough to be ignored, Anwar challenges the assumption that accountability flows only downward — arguing that middle powers, acting in concert, may still be able to hold superpowers to the standards they once proclaimed as universal. The answer will shape not just Malaysian foreign policy, but the very meaning of sovereignty in the decades ahead.

Malaysia occupies an uncomfortable but clarifying position in the current world order — consequential enough to feel the pull of great powers, yet too small to resist it alone. Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim has made it his project to think through what that means, and in a recent exchange with journalist Sreenivasan Jain, he gave voice to a question pressing on dozens of nations like his: if superpowers no longer honor the rules they wrote, what leverage remains for everyone else?

The international system was built on norms — about trade, justice, and the treatment of sovereign nations — authored largely by the powerful but framed as universal obligations. The implicit promise was that even great powers would be constrained by them. That promise is dissolving. When the United States, China, or Russia sidestep the frameworks they helped construct, smaller nations are left with a choice that feels increasingly stark: seek shelter under a superpower's wing, or hold to independence and absorb the cost.

Anwar's challenge goes beyond conventional power politics. He is questioning whether accountability still functions when it only travels downward — when middle powers can be sanctioned into compliance while superpowers face no equivalent consequence. The rules-based order, he implies, has quietly become a system that binds only those without the power to break it.

This is not theoretical for Malaysia. It surfaces in trade disputes rewritten by larger economies on a whim, in military actions taken outside international consent, in the casual assumption that great powers may intervene wherever they judge their interests at stake. Sitting at the intersection of global commerce and superpower rivalry, Malaysia absorbs all of it.

What distinguishes Anwar's position is his refusal to accept this as simply the nature of things. He argues that middle powers, acting collectively, can still demand that the same standards apply to all — that accountability is not a privilege granted by the strong but something that can be insisted upon by those written into the rules. Yet he cannot fully resolve the tension his own argument creates. Collective leverage requires coalition, and coalitions among vulnerable nations are brittle. Each member carries its own fears, its own dependencies, its own temptation to break ranks when a superpower applies pressure.

The pillars of any functional international order — justice, trade, sovereignty — remain standing in name. Whether they can hold when those who built them no longer believe in them is the question Malaysia, and many nations like it, will spend the coming decades trying to answer.

Malaysia sits in a peculiar position in the world right now—large enough to matter, too small to ignore the gravitational pull of the great powers circling overhead. Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim has spent much of his tenure thinking through what that means, and in a recent conversation with journalist Sreenivasan Jain, he articulated a question that has become urgent for dozens of countries in his position: if the superpowers themselves no longer follow the rules they wrote, what leverage do the rest of us actually have?

The premise is straightforward but unsettling. For decades, the international system rested on a foundation of agreed-upon norms—rules about trade, about justice, about how nations should treat one another. Those rules were written largely by the powerful, yes, but they were written as universal principles, meant to bind everyone equally. The theory was that even superpowers would be constrained by them, or at least embarrassed into compliance. That theory is collapsing. When the United States or China or Russia ignore the very frameworks they helped establish, smaller nations face a choice that feels increasingly binary: align with one superpower for protection, or try to maintain independence and hope it doesn't cost you.

Anwar's framing of the problem cuts deeper than simple power politics. He is asking whether accountability still means anything when it flows only downward. A middle power like Malaysia can be sanctioned, isolated, or pressured into compliance. But what happens when a superpower decides the rules no longer apply to it? The answer, increasingly, is nothing. There are no consequences. The rules-based order, in other words, has become a rules-based order only for those without the power to break it.

This is not abstract. It plays out in trade disputes where larger economies rewrite the terms of engagement on a whim. It appears in military actions taken without the consent of international bodies. It surfaces in the treatment of smaller nations' sovereignty—the assumption that great powers have the right to intervene in the affairs of countries they deem strategically important. Malaysia, sitting at the crossroads of global commerce and caught between the competing interests of the United States and China, feels all of this acutely.

What makes Anwar's intervention notable is that he does not simply accept this as inevitable. Instead, he poses a challenge: can middle powers still hold superpowers to account? The question itself is radical because it suggests that accountability is not a gift granted by the powerful but something that can be demanded, collectively, by those who have been written into the rules. If smaller nations band together, if they refuse to be divided, if they insist on the application of the same standards to all—perhaps the rules retain some force.

But there is a tension here that Anwar does not fully resolve, and perhaps cannot. Holding superpowers accountable requires leverage, and leverage comes from either economic weight, military capacity, or coalition-building. Malaysia has some of each, but not enough to act alone. Yet coalition-building among middle powers is notoriously difficult. Each nation has its own vulnerabilities, its own dependencies, its own reasons to fear isolation. The moment one country breaks ranks to appease a superpower, the collective position weakens.

The conversation between Anwar and Jain touches on justice, trade, and sovereignty—the three pillars on which any functional international order must rest. But the underlying question is whether those pillars can hold when the architects of the system no longer believe in it themselves. For Malaysia and countries like it, the answer will determine not just their foreign policy but their fundamental security and prosperity in the decades ahead.

Can middle powers still hold superpowers to account when those superpowers no longer follow the rules they established?
— Anwar Ibrahim, Prime Minister of Malaysia
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