South Africa's President Ramaphosa apologized for xenophobic violence at SADC summit, but anti-immigrant groups dismissed it as weakness, revealing deep political divisions. Organized campaigns against foreign nationals in Ghana, South Africa, and elsewhere present scapegoating as patriotism, exploiting economic hardship and weak governance.
Africa's Charlatan Patriots: How Scapegoating Migrants Masks Governance Failure
Charlatans offer certainty where honest answers require nuance.
So Ramaphosa apologized at a continental summit. That's a significant gesture from a sitting president. Why didn't it land?
Because apologies without change are just words. South Africa has apologized before. The violence keeps happening. People in the region have learned not to trust the gesture.
But we should be careful here—the article says responses were "understandably sceptical," but it doesn't give us numbers on how many people in Mozambique or elsewhere actually heard the apology or what they thought. We're told analysts welcomed it but judged it insufficient. That's one layer of response.
Fair point. So what's actually driving the anti-immigrant movements? Is it just economic anxiety?
It's three things converging: economic insecurity—real unemployment and poverty—political disappointment because leaders have broken promises, and weak institutions. When people lose faith in the systems meant to protect them, they become vulnerable to simple explanations.
The article names three conditions, but it doesn't give us data on whether those conditions are actually worse now than they were five years ago, or whether xenophobic violence has increased. We know it's happening. We don't know if it's accelerating.
The article mentions March & March and Operation Dudula in South Africa, and the Ghana Union of Traders Association. Are these formal organizations with membership rolls, or looser movements?
The piece treats them as organized campaigns—they target businesses, they conduct identity checks, they march. But you're right to push back. The level of organization isn't specified.
Exactly. "Organized campaigns" could mean anything from a structured political party to a loose coalition of angry people on social media. The article doesn't distinguish. And Jacinta Ngobese-Zuma is named as a leader of March & March, but we don't know how many people follow her or how much actual power she wields.
The author makes a distinction between patriots and charlatans. Is that distinction actually useful, or is it just moralizing?
It's useful if you're trying to understand motivation. A patriot wants the nation to succeed long-term. A charlatan wants power. But the article is right that charlatans are more visible because they offer certainty.
The problem is that the distinction is almost impossible to prove empirically. You can't measure someone's internal motivation. You can only measure outcomes. And the article doesn't really show us what a genuine patriot in this context would actually do differently—what policies, what rhetoric, what actions.
So what's the actual harm here? Beyond the documented violence, what's at stake?
The harm is that scapegoating prevents real solutions. If you blame migrants for unemployment, you never have to ask why your government hasn't created jobs. If you blame foreigners for strain on services, you never have to demand better governance.
That's the argument, and it's coherent. But the article doesn't give us examples of specific policies that were abandoned or never pursued because of anti-immigrant sentiment. We know violence happened. We don't know what didn't happen because of the scapegoating.
What would genuine patriotism look like in this moment?
It would mean confronting the actual causes of decline—corruption, weak institutions, failed economic policy. It would mean building a national identity that doesn't depend on having an enemy.
But the article doesn't tell us who's actually doing that work, or what it looks like on the ground. It's a diagnosis without a cure.
El Pulso
- South Africa hosted the 46th SADC Summit in Durban while xenophobic violence against foreign nationals continued
- President Ramaphosa apologized for violence against Mozambicans and other African migrants; anti-immigrant groups dismissed the apology
- Ghana Union of Traders Association has periodically closed Nigerian-owned shops; protesters carried signs declaring 'Nigeria Must Go'
- Anti-immigrant movements like March & March and Operation Dudula operate in South Africa, targeting foreign-owned businesses and conducting street-level identity checks
South Africa's President Ramaphosa apologized for xenophobic violence at SADC summit, but anti-immigrant groups dismissed it as weakness, revealing deep political divisions. Organized campaigns against foreign nationals in Ghana, South Africa, and elsewhere present scapegoating as patriotism, exploiting economic hardship and weak governance.
African leaders exploit xenophobic sentiment as political cover, scapegoating migrants instead of addressing institutional failures in economic policy and public services.
Two weeks ago in Durban, South Africa's President Cyril Ramaphosa stood before the 46th Summit of the Southern African Development Community and acknowledged a wound that had been bleeding across his nation for years. Xenophobic violence had erupted repeatedly against foreign nationals—Mozambicans, Zimbabweans, Nigerians, Ghanaians—and the host nation's leader chose not to look away. He told the assembled delegates that South Africans were ashamed of the discrimination, ill-treatment, and threats their neighbors had endured. He apologized to Mozambique's President Daniel Chapo with what he called humility, recognizing that citizens of his country had committed violence against foreigners on South African soil.
The apology landed poorly. Across the continent, observers greeted it with skepticism born of repetition—South Africa had apologized before, and the violence had returned. Within South Africa itself, anti-immigrant movements like March & March and Operation Dudula rejected the gesture entirely. Jacinta Ngobese-Zuma, who leads March & March, told media outlets there was nothing to apologize for. The message was clear: for a growing faction of South Africans, migrants were not victims but threats, and restraint was not virtue but weakness.
What is happening in South Africa is not unique to South Africa. Across the continent, organized campaigns against foreign nationals have become increasingly visible and increasingly bold. In Ghana, the Ghana Union of Traders Association has periodically shuttered Nigerian-owned shops. Protesters in Accra and Kumasi have marched with signs declaring "Nigeria Must Go." These movements target foreign-owned businesses, picket clinics, conduct street-level identity checks. They present themselves as patriotic defense of the nation. Yet beneath the patriotic language lies something else: a politics of scapegoating that substitutes enemies for solutions.
The question that emerges is not whether nations have the right to control their borders—they do—but rather what happens when political actors exploit that right as cover for something deeper. Economic hardship is real: unemployment, inflation, poverty are grinding facts of life across much of Africa. Governance has failed: promises have been broken, institutions have weakened, public trust has eroded. Citizens, anxious and uncertain, become susceptible to simple explanations. And it is precisely in that moment of complexity that charlatans thrive, because they offer certainty where honest answers require nuance.
A genuine patriot, properly understood, seeks the long-term welfare of the nation. A charlatan patriot seeks to strengthen his own political position. The distinction matters because it shapes what happens next. When citizens lose confidence in the structures meant to protect them, they become hungry for someone to blame. Charlatans build solidarity by identifying enemies—and enemies are far easier to mobilize against than the slow, difficult work of rebuilding institutions, fighting corruption, or creating genuine economic opportunity. It is easier to march against Nigerians than to demand accountability from a government that has failed to deliver jobs. It is easier to close a Zimbabwean's shop than to confront why your own nation's economy is contracting.
There is something legitimate in the public mood that deserves acknowledgment. States do have the right to regulate immigration and enforce their laws. Undocumented migration does place pressure on already strained public services. Retail competition creates real friction. But these are not the origin of unemployment, corruption, or institutional decay. They are simply more visible than those failures, and therefore easier to blame. Neither Nigerians in Ghana nor Zimbabweans in South Africa created the governance failures of their host countries. Yet for the charlatan patriot, it is far simpler to mobilize a crowd against foreigners than to undertake the harder, slower project of building a shared national identity rooted in justice and opportunity.
Genuine patriots are often not immediately visible. They refuse simplistic narratives. They resist ethnic mobilization. They reject scapegoating. They speak uncomfortable truths about structural causes. These qualities do not build movements quickly. In moments of anxiety, crowds prefer certainty to complexity, applause to criticism. The charlatan gains followers; the true patriot earns irrelevance, or worse. And so across Africa, the voices asking harder structural questions are drowned out by those offering a single, satisfying enemy.
Citizens become genuinely patriotic when the state provides justice, security, opportunity, fairness, and dignity. Without these, patriotic rhetoric becomes merely performance—a bond that can be redirected toward whichever target is convenient in any given season. The question that matters now, for all of Africa, is this: when politicians tell us who to blame, are they helping us solve our problems, or helping us avoid the harder questions about why those problems exist? The answer will determine whether the continent moves toward genuine nationhood or continues to harvest anger in the name of patriotism.
Citas Notables
South Africa could not preach integration at summits while practicing exclusion in its streets— President Cyril Ramaphosa
There is nothing to apologize for— Jacinta Ngobese-Zuma, leader of March & March