In the wake of a defeated referendum and one of New Zealand's largest protest movements, the ACT Party has returned with a reframed constitutional vision—one that trades the blunt instrument of a Treaty Principles Bill for the quieter but no less consequential work of legislative precision. Released in late August 2026, the policy seeks to define Treaty obligations explicitly before laws are drafted, restrict judicial use of tikanga, and enshrine property rights and parliamentary sovereignty in statute. It is, at its core, a party recalibrating its methods while holding its ground on the deepe
ACT unveils constitutional policy, quietly shelves failed Treaty Principles Bill
Truth is always worth a risk, even if it provokes a hīkoi
Why did ACT abandon the Treaty Principles Bill entirely? It was the centerpiece of their last campaign.
Because it lost. The bill was voted down at second reading after massive protests. You can't keep running the same play when the field has rejected it. So they've reframed the issue as one of legal clarity rather than Treaty principles themselves.
But isn't that just the same argument in different clothes?
Not quite. The old bill would have defined what the Treaty principles are. This policy says: don't define principles, just require Cabinet to be explicit about what any Treaty reference in a law actually means before you write it. It's narrower, more technical, harder to protest.
Harder to protest?
Well, it's easier to march against "redefining the Treaty" than against "requiring regulatory impact assessments to explain what Treaty clauses do." One sounds like an attack on the Treaty itself. The other sounds like bureaucratic housekeeping.
So Seymour is being clever.
He's being strategic. He's also being honest about what he believes—that vague language in laws creates uncertainty. Whether you agree with him or not, that's a coherent position. But yes, the packaging matters.
What about the tikanga restrictions? That seems like it could provoke the same backlash.
It could. Restricting when courts can use tikanga is a direct constraint on Māori legal concepts. But again, it's framed as preventing judges from overstepping, not as an attack on Māori. Seymour points to the Ellis decision as an example of courts going beyond what Parliament intended. That's a separation-of-powers argument, not a cultural one.
And the property rights addition to the Bill of Rights?
That's the least controversial part of the package, honestly. Most democracies protect property rights explicitly. It's the context—bundled with restrictions on Treaty language and tikanga—that makes it feel like part of a larger project to constrain Māori interests in law.
O Pulso
- ACT has quietly buried the Treaty Principles Bill—the referendum proposal that sparked a nationwide hīkoi—replacing it with a policy built around mandatory definitional clarity for any Treaty language in legislation.
- The new platform would require Cabinet to spell out exactly what Treaty interests are engaged, who they apply to, and what obligations they create before a bill is even drafted, making the process permanent rather than discretionary.
- Courts would be barred from drawing on tikanga Māori except where Parliament has expressly permitted it, a direct response to the Supreme Court's 2022 Ellis ruling, which Seymour characterised as judicial overreach.
- Property rights would be added to the Bill of Rights Act and three foundational principles—parliamentary sovereignty, rule of law, and equality before the law—would be written into the Constitution Act itself.
- Seymour declined to name these policies as coalition bottom lines but signalled confidence in ACT's leverage, and when asked whether he feared another hīkoi, answered simply: 'Truth is always worth a risk.'
In the wake of a defeated referendum and one of New Zealand's largest protest movements, the ACT Party has returned with a reframed constitutional vision—one that trades the blunt instrument of a Treaty Principles Bill for the quieter but no less consequential work of legislative precision. Released in late August 2026, the policy seeks to define Treaty obligations explicitly before laws are drafted, restrict judicial use of tikanga, and enshrine property rights and parliamentary sovereignty in statute. It is, at its core, a party recalibrating its methods while holding its ground on the deeper question of what equality before the law should mean in a pluralistic society.
On a Saturday afternoon in late August, ACT unveiled a constitutional platform that marks a deliberate retreat from its most bruising recent fight. Gone is any mention of the Treaty Principles Bill—the referendum proposal that had defined the party's last campaign and triggered one of the largest protest movements in modern New Zealand history, culminating in a hīkoi of tens of thousands to Parliament and the bill's defeat at its second reading. In its place, leader David Seymour announced a policy built around a quieter but no less pointed argument: that the real problem is vague Treaty language in legislation, and that vagueness must be made precise.
Under the new platform, Cabinet would be required to explicitly agree—before any bill referencing the Treaty is drafted—what Treaty interests are engaged, who they apply to, and what specific obligations they create. Existing laws would be reviewed when amended, with high-level or imprecise clauses removed. Regulatory Impact Assessments would have to explain what each Treaty clause actually does in practice. The approach echoes a review already promised by National and NZ First, but ACT's version would be permanent and mandatory.
The policy also takes direct aim at the courts. Judges would be prohibited from drawing on tikanga Māori except where Parliament has expressly allowed it, a response to the Supreme Court's 2022 Ellis decision, which Seymour characterised as an example of unelected judges rewriting the law beyond their mandate. Separately, property rights would be added to the Bill of Rights Act, and three principles—parliamentary sovereignty, the rule of law, and equality before the law—would be enshrined in the Constitution Act.
When pressed on whether any of this constituted a coalition bottom line, Seymour declined to commit, suggesting instead that ACT already exercises outsized influence without needing to draw hard lines. And when asked whether he feared provoking another hīkoi, he was unequivocal: 'Truth is always worth a risk.' The answer captures the essential tension in ACT's position—a party that believes it is pursuing legal clarity and economic necessity, while knowing full well that the communities most affected are unlikely to see it that way.
On a Saturday afternoon in late August, the ACT Party unveiled a sweeping constitutional platform that amounts to a strategic pivot from its most contentious recent battle. The policy, released under the title One Law for All with One Future Together, charts a different course on Treaty issues than the one that dominated the party's previous election campaign—notably by abandoning any mention of the Treaty Principles Bill, the referendum proposal that had become the flashpoint of its political identity.
That bill, introduced in November 2024 as part of ACT's coalition agreement with National, had triggered one of the largest protest movements in recent New Zealand history. A hīkoi of tens of thousands descended on Parliament. The bill was voted down at its second reading. The wounds were still fresh when party leader David Seymour stood to announce what comes next. Rather than doubling down on the referendum approach, ACT has reframed the entire conversation around what it calls the problem of vague language in legislation.
The new policy targets what Seymour describes as the imprecision embedded in laws that reference the Treaty without spelling out what those references actually mean. Before any bill containing a Treaty reference is drafted, Cabinet would be required to explicitly agree what Treaty interests are engaged, who they apply to, and what specific obligations they create. Existing laws would be reviewed when amended, with vague or high-level clauses removed. Regulatory Impact Assessments would have to explain what each Treaty clause will actually do in practice—what decisions it changes, what it costs, how it will be enforced. The approach is similar to a review already promised by National and NZ First, but ACT's version goes further, making the process permanent and mandatory rather than discretionary.
The policy also restricts the judicial use of tikanga, the body of Māori customary law and practice. Courts would be prohibited from drawing on tikanga except where Parliament has expressly allowed it, or in cases where it is directly relevant—such as disputes between iwi. Seymour pointed to the 2022 Ellis decision, in which the Supreme Court held that tikanga formed part of New Zealand's common law, as an example of courts pushing beyond what Parliament had legislated. He framed this as judges overstepping their authority, part of what he called the problem of "activist judges" and "wig wearers" imposing their own interpretations on the law.
The platform also adds property rights to the Bill of Rights Act, a change Seymour argued would subject government interference with property to greater judicial scrutiny. New Zealand, he said, is out of step with comparable jurisdictions in not explicitly protecting property rights. The courts would be required to prefer an interpretation of legislation consistent with that right where possible, though the change would not give courts the power to strike down laws outright. Additionally, ACT proposes writing three principles directly into the Constitution Act: that Parliament is sovereign, the rule of law is fundamental, and all New Zealanders are equal before the law.
When asked whether these policies were coalition bottom lines—a question that would determine how aggressively ACT would push them in government—Seymour declined to commit. He noted instead that ACT has already exercised "massively disproportionate influence" on the current government without needing to declare bottom lines. The comment suggests a party confident in its leverage, even as it retreats from the most visible battle of its recent past.
Seymour was also asked directly whether he was risking another hīkoi, another round of strained relations with Māori. His answer was unequivocal: "Truth is always worth a risk." He argued that societies cannot function when the law is uncertain and when unelected judges change the rules without clear justification. If people oppose the policy by marching, he suggested, that is not a reason to abandon it—it is a reason to stand firm. The framing reveals the tension at the heart of ACT's position: it is proposing changes it believes are necessary for legal clarity and economic productivity, while acknowledging that those changes will almost certainly provoke significant opposition from Māori communities and their allies.
Citações Notáveis
Societies don't work when the law is uncertain and when people who aren't elected change the rules of the game with no obvious reason or warning.— David Seymour, ACT Party leader
We cannot allow tikanga to become a separate source of law applying to broad areas of unrelated law without Parliament ever deciding that it should.— David Seymour