It would not be hard for anyone with some imagination and courage to do better than Starmer.
Less than two years after sweeping to power on a promise of renewal, Britain's Labour government finds itself consumed by an internal reckoning. Health minister Wes Streeting's resignation and Andy Burnham's return from Manchester have opened a leadership contest that may stretch into autumn, even as war in Europe, Middle East instability, and an energy crisis press for answers. It is the oldest of political ironies: a party elected to govern finds itself too busy fighting over who shall lead to attend to the act of leading itself.
- Wes Streeting's cabinet resignation on Thursday, framed as a reformer's stand against a directionless prime minister, has cracked the government open at its most vulnerable seam.
- Andy Burnham is racing back to Parliament through a byelection in Makerfield — a seat that swung hard toward Reform UK — meaning his leadership ambitions could collapse before they begin.
- Angela Rayner's vague signals of candidacy have turned a two-way challenge into a fractured three-or-four-way contest, muddying the path to any decisive outcome.
- Starmer's survival may rest not on popularity — 61 percent of voters dislike him — but on Labour's one-member-one-vote rules, which could see him emerge as the second preference in a split field.
- With 243 of Labour's 403 MPs elected only in 2024 and no challenger yet offering a substantive governing agenda, the crisis risks being less a renewal than a prolonged, self-inflicted paralysis.
The British government is tearing itself apart. On Thursday, health minister Wes Streeting resigned from Keir Starmer's cabinet, declaring the government adrift and positioning himself as a reformer willing to act where Starmer would not. Hours later, Andy Burnham, the mayor of Greater Manchester, announced he would return to Parliament via a byelection to mount a challenge from Labour's left. Angela Rayner, a former deputy leader, hinted she might run too. A party that won a sweeping majority less than two years ago is now locked in a leadership contest while Britain faces war in Europe, conflict in the Middle East, and a deepening energy crisis.
Streeting's move drew comparisons to Paul Keating's 1991 challenge against Bob Hawke in Australia — a parallel Streeting himself has cultivated, having met Keating during a 2023 visit. But where Keating moved with surgical speed, Streeting has resigned without yet triggering a formal ballot. He needs 81 MPs to sign a petition demanding a vote, and while his supporters claim the numbers exist, they have not been tested. The result is drift, not momentum.
Burnham's path is no easier. The seat he is targeting, Makerfield, sits in territory that swung sharply toward Nigel Farage's Reform UK in recent council elections — in nearby Central Wigan, Reform took 44 percent while Labour managed only 30 in a generational stronghold. If Burnham cannot win there, his bid ends before it begins. His campaign message — echoing Obama's 2008 rhetoric about belief and change — speaks to Labour's desperation, but offers little in the way of policy.
Starmer's position is paradoxical. Deeply unpopular with the public, he may nonetheless survive because Labour's one-member-one-vote system could see him emerge as the second preference of members split between Streeting's right and Burnham's left. A Survation poll found he would beat Streeting 53 to 23 percent, but lose to Burnham 61 to 28 — making the arithmetic genuinely murky.
The deeper wound is structural. Of Labour's 403 MPs, 243 were first elected in 2024 and arrived unprepared for government. The party has spent months weakening itself through anonymous briefings and backbiting. Most troubling of all, neither Streeting nor Burnham has articulated a substantive vision for governing Britain. They campaign on personality and positioning while the country waits. As one observer noted, Starmer has become a scapegoat for a nation that cannot agree on how to save itself — because all the available options are so difficult. The contest will consume months. The crises will not wait.
The British government is eating itself. On Thursday, Wes Streeting, the health minister, walked out of Keir Starmer's cabinet and sent a letter declaring the government adrift. Hours later, Andy Burnham, the mayor of Greater Manchester, announced he would return to Parliament to challenge for the top job. A third contender, Angela Rayner, hinted she might run too. The Labour Party, which swept to power less than two years ago promising renewal, is now locked in a leadership battle while the country faces war in Europe, conflict in the Middle East, and an energy crisis that demands attention.
Streeting's move echoed a famous moment in Australian politics. In 1991, Paul Keating quit as deputy prime minister and challenged Bob Hawke for the Labor leadership—a bold gambit that eventually succeeded. Streeting, who visited Australia in 2023 and met Keating, admires the former prime minister's willingness to act decisively. When asked if Streeting could do better than Starmer, Keating was blunt: "It would not be hard for anyone with some imagination and courage to do better than Starmer." But there is a crucial difference. Keating moved fast—he saw Hawke on a Thursday at 5pm and called a caucus meeting for 8am Friday. Streeting resigned on Thursday but has not yet triggered a formal ballot. He needs 81 MPs to sign a petition demanding a leadership vote, and while his supporters claim he has the numbers, he has not tested that claim. The result is drift, not momentum.
Burnham represents the Labour left's answer to Streeting's right-wing challenge. He left Parliament a decade ago to focus on Manchester, building a reputation as a champion of working people and local communities. On Thursday afternoon, an MP named Josh Simons agreed to resign his seat so Burnham could run in a byelection and return to the House of Commons. Burnham's social media post—"We will change Labour for the better and make it a party you can believe in again"—echoed Barack Obama's 2008 campaign message. The party is desperate. Labour lost votes to the Greens in recent council elections and is hemorrhaging support to Nigel Farage's right-wing Reform UK party. Many in Labour see Burnham as their populist answer, a leader who can fight fire with fire. But Burnham faces an immediate test. The seat he is targeting, Makerfield, sits in an area that swung hard toward Reform in the council elections. In Central Wigan, just nearby, Reform took 44 percent of the vote while Labour managed only 30 percent in a district that has been a working-class stronghold for generations. If Burnham cannot win there, his leadership bid dies before it starts.
Angela Rayner, a former deputy leader who stepped down from cabinet last year over a property tax controversy, signaled on Thursday that she might also run. She claimed vindication on the stamp duty issue but was vague when asked directly whether she would challenge Starmer. The result is a three-way or possibly four-way race, with the prime minister insisting he will fight if necessary.
Starmer's position is weaker than it appears. Polls show 61 percent of voters dislike him. Yet the Labour Party's voting rules may work in his favor. Unlike the Australian Labor Party, where MPs' votes carry enormous weight, the UK Labour Party operates on one member, one vote. If the race goes to a preferential ballot with multiple candidates, Starmer could benefit if right-wing members back Streeting and left-wing members back Burnham—he might emerge as the second preference for large numbers on both sides. A Survation poll released Thursday found Starmer would beat Streeting 53 to 23 percent, but would lose to Burnham 28 to 61 percent. The math is murky, which is precisely why Starmer is willing to fight.
The deeper problem is not the personalities but the paralysis. Labour holds 403 seats in Parliament. Astonishingly, 243 of those MPs were first elected in 2024 and were unprepared for government. The party is shockingly divided on how to run the country. For months, the Streeting and Burnham camps have briefed journalists with claims and counterclaims, weakening the government through anonymous backbiting. Starmer, described as a bland leader who has struggled to display energy or conviction, has not managed this chaos. He has simply replaced ministers as they resigned—four junior ministers quit earlier in the week, and James Murray took over Streeting's health portfolio on Thursday.
What is most striking is what the contenders are not offering. Burnham runs a council. Streeting managed a ministry. Neither has outlined a substantive agenda for how they would govern Britain. The media spin positions them as solutions, but they are part of the problem. Streeting's admiration for Keating suggests he might pursue economic reform, but he has not said so publicly. Burnham's appeal rests on personality and perceived authenticity, not policy. While the Labour leadership contenders spend months arguing about the nation's problems, the country will drift. Britain faces multiple crises that demand immediate attention, yet the government's energy will be consumed by an internal contest that could stretch into the autumn. Writer Nick Cohen observed that Starmer has become a scapegoat for a country that cannot agree on how to save itself because all the options are so difficult. The contenders will emerge, the candidates will campaign, and the nation will wait. If only they could fix what is broken.
Notable Quotes
I found Streeting sharp with a mind open to ideas. A thinker.— Paul Keating, former Australian prime minister, on meeting Wes Streeting in 2023
Ambition is overriding principle and real political commitment.— John McDonnell, Labour backbencher, on Streeting's resignation
The Hearth Conversation Another angle on the story
Why does Streeting's move matter if he hasn't actually called for a vote yet?
Because he's signaled intent without committing. It's the worst of both worlds—the government is destabilized by the threat, but there's no clarity on what comes next. He's following Keating's playbook in spirit but not in execution.
What makes Burnham different from Streeting in how Labour sees them?
Burnham left Westminster to fight for Manchester. He's seen as authentic, rooted in working-class struggle. Streeting is a technocrat from the right wing of the party. Labour's base is desperate for someone who feels like them, not someone who feels like a manager.
If Starmer loses a preferential ballot to Burnham, what does that tell us?
It tells us the party has swung left because the right-wing strategy has failed. Labour is bleeding votes to both the Greens and Reform. A Burnham victory would be a rejection of Starmer's centrist approach and a bet that populism from the left can compete with Farage's populism from the right.
Is there any chance Streeting actually has the 81 MPs he claims?
His supporters say he does, but he won't test it. That's the tell. If he had them, he'd call the vote and force the issue. Instead, he's waiting to see if Burnham succeeds in Makerfield. If Burnham wins that byelection, Streeting might fold and take a chancellor role instead.
What happens to the country while this plays out?
It drifts. There's war in Europe, instability in the Middle East, an energy crisis. The government is still technically running, but its leadership is consumed by internal warfare. No one is thinking about solutions because everyone is thinking about survival.