Trump extends Jones Act waiver 90 days to combat energy costs amid Iran conflict

A waiver extension sells out our maritime industry to benefit foreign shippers
The domestic shipping industry argues the policy sacrifices long-term American capacity for short-term market relief.

In the shadow of a widening conflict with Iran that has disrupted roughly a fifth of the world's oil supply, President Trump has extended a suspension of the Jones Act — a law nearly a century old — for another 90 days, allowing foreign vessels to carry American oil between American ports. The move reflects a government reaching for every available lever to hold down energy costs, even at the cost of unsettling the domestic maritime order. It is, at its core, a wager that speed and volume can substitute for principle when markets grow desperate enough.

  • A war in Iran has severed a fifth of global oil supply, sending fuel prices climbing and forcing the White House into emergency economic maneuvers.
  • More than 40 foreign tankers have already moved over 9 million barrels of U.S. oil under the original waiver, expanding domestic shipping capacity by more than 70 percent — numbers the administration is using to justify going further.
  • The domestic maritime industry is sounding alarms, arguing that gasoline prices have risen anyway, that foreign competitors and unsupportive NATO allies are the real beneficiaries, and that American naval capacity is being quietly hollowed out.
  • Libertarian economists counter that the Jones Act was always an expensive anachronism, and that the waiver is simply allowing the market to breathe.
  • The extension's fate is tied to events far beyond American waters — if the Strait of Hormuz remains choked and the Iran conflict deepens, no domestic shipping policy may be enough to hold the line.

President Trump has extended a waiver of the Jones Act for 90 days, allowing foreign-built and foreign-crewed ships to transport cargo between U.S. ports. The decision comes as the ongoing war in Iran — now in its second month — has disrupted roughly a fifth of global oil supply and pushed energy costs higher across the country.

The original waiver, issued on March 18, was meant to expand the physical capacity to move American oil domestically. By the administration's own count, it has worked in measurable terms: more than 40 tankers have participated, shipping capacity between U.S. ports has grown by over 70 percent, and more than 9 million barrels of domestic oil have reached American ports as a result. The extension takes effect May 18. Press Secretary Taylor Rogers described it as a tool for market stability in a moment of geopolitical upheaval — one piece of a broader response that has also included releasing 172 million barrels from the Strategic Petroleum Reserve and temporarily lifting sanctions on Russian oil.

The policy has drawn a sharp divide. Economists at the Cato Institute see the waiver as long-overdue relief from a Depression-era law that makes domestic shipping artificially expensive. But the maritime industry is not persuaded. Aaron Smith of the Offshore Marine Service Association notes that gasoline prices have risen in every U.S. market since the original waiver took effect, and argues that the benefits have flowed primarily to foreign shippers and to NATO allies who have declined to support American military efforts. For Smith, the extension trades away the long-term foundation of American naval power for short-term market optics.

The deeper uncertainty lies offshore. The Strait of Hormuz remains far below prewar shipping levels, and experts say that corridor must reopen for oil prices to stabilize meaningfully. The Jones Act waiver is a domestic instrument — useful for moving American oil within American waters, but unable to resolve what is ultimately a geopolitical crisis. Whether the bet pays off depends on how long the conflict lasts and whether the strait stays passable.

President Trump is betting that foreign ships can do what American ones cannot: move enough oil fast enough to bring down the price of fuel. On Friday, the White House announced a 90-day extension of a waiver that suspends the Jones Act, a Depression-era law requiring that all cargo shipped between U.S. ports travel on vessels built, flagged, and crewed by Americans. The move comes as the war in Iran, now in its second month, has choked off roughly a fifth of the world's oil supply, sending energy costs climbing across the country.

Trump first issued the waiver on March 18 for 60 days as the conflict began to bite. Now, with new data in hand, the administration is doubling down. According to the White House, more than 40 tankers have already used or will use the waiver, and the result has been striking: shipping capacity between U.S. ports has jumped by more than 70 percent. More than 9 million barrels of American oil have reached domestic ports as a result. The extension takes effect at midnight on May 18.

Press Secretary Taylor Rogers framed the decision in terms of both national and global stability. The waiver, she said, allows supply to move faster and provides certainty to markets roiled by geopolitical upheaval. The Trump administration has deployed multiple tools to cushion the blow from the Iran conflict—releasing 172 million barrels from the Strategic Petroleum Reserve in March and temporarily lifting sanctions on Russian oil purchases that same month. But the Jones Act waiver addresses something more fundamental: the physical capacity to move fuel.

The policy has split expert opinion sharply. Colin Grabow, an associate director at the Cato Institute's trade policy center, sees the extension as vindication. The law itself is outdated, he argues, and waiving it simply increases the number of ships available to carry goods. When the Jones Act is in force, shipping between American ports becomes prohibitively expensive. The extension, in his view, shows the administration believes the policy is working.

But the domestic maritime industry sees something different. Aaron Smith, president of the Offshore Marine Service Association, called the extension a betrayal. The initial waiver, he pointed out, has not lowered gasoline prices—they have risen in every U.S. market. Meanwhile, the benefits have flowed to NATO countries that have declined to support American military operations, and to foreign shippers and oil traders. Smith argued that now is the moment to strengthen American maritime capacity, not hollow it out. To extend the waiver, in his view, is to sacrifice the foundation of American naval power for the sake of short-term market relief.

The underlying tension is real. Energy markets remain fragile. Shipping through the Strait of Hormuz, a critical chokepoint, is still running well below prewar levels. Experts say reopening that corridor to tanker traffic is essential to keeping oil prices from spiking further. But the Jones Act waiver is a domestic tool, a way to move American oil more efficiently within American waters. Whether it can do enough to offset the geopolitical shock depends on how long the Iran conflict lasts and whether the Strait itself remains passable. For now, the administration is betting it can.

The waiver extension provides both certainty and stability for the U.S. and global economies.
— White House Press Secretary Taylor Rogers
A waiver extension sells out our American maritime industry and the foundation of our Navy to benefit oil traders and foreign shippers.
— Aaron Smith, president of the Offshore Marine Service Association
A Conversa do Hearth Outra perspectiva sobre a história
Inventor

Why does a shipping law from the 1920s matter so much right now?

Model

Because it controls who can move oil between American ports. When the law is in effect, only American-built ships can do it, and there aren't enough of them. Foreign ships are cheaper and more plentiful. In a crisis, that bottleneck becomes a real problem.

Inventor

So the waiver is just about speed and capacity?

Model

Partly. But it's also about cost. When you're limited to American vessels, shipping becomes expensive. That cost gets passed to consumers. In a war that's cut off a fifth of the world's oil, every barrel that moves matters.

Inventor

The maritime industry says prices haven't come down. Are they right?

Model

They're right that gas prices have risen since the waiver started. But that doesn't mean the waiver failed—it might mean things would be even worse without it. The war is still the dominant force. The question is whether the waiver is helping at the margins.

Inventor

What does the maritime industry actually lose here?

Model

Work, mainly. If foreign ships can move cargo between American ports, American shipping companies and their crews have fewer jobs. There's also a strategic argument: if you let the domestic maritime industry atrophy, you lose the capacity to move goods in a real emergency.

Inventor

Is there a middle ground?

Model

Probably not in the short term. You either waive the law or you don't. The real question is what happens after 90 days. If the Iran war ends, the pressure to keep the waiver goes away. If it doesn't, Trump will likely extend it again.

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