A rare family pairing in the halls of power
In the redrawn terrain of Texas' 35th Congressional District — a corridor stretching from Austin to San Antonio — Air Force veteran Carlos de la Cruz has won the Republican runoff, carrying with him both a presidential endorsement and the quiet weight of family legacy. Should he prevail in November, he and his sister Rep. Monica de la Cruz would join a rare fraternity of siblings who have shaped American law from the same chamber. The district itself tells a larger story: redistricting has reordered the political geography of a majority-Hispanic region, raising enduring questions about how maps shape democracy and whose voices they amplify.
- A district redrawn to favor Republicans has flipped the competitive calculus in a majority-Hispanic corridor that once sent a progressive Squad member to Washington.
- Carlos de la Cruz overcame a March primary deficit — finishing second with 27 percent — to claim the runoff, powered by Trump's endorsement and Speaker Johnson's support.
- The Democratic primary was shadowed by its own crisis, as candidate Maureen Galindo's proposal to detain wealthy 'Zionists' in an ICE facility drew condemnation from AOC to Hakeem Jeffries, fracturing party unity heading into the general.
- Despite the GOP runoff win, Democratic strategists insist the district's Hispanic majority and historical voting patterns keep November genuinely competitive.
- If elected, the de la Cruz siblings would become the first brother-sister pair in Congress since the Sanchez sisters of California — a rare convergence of family and history on the House floor.
Carlos de la Cruz, an Air Force veteran and brother of Rep. Monica de la Cruz, won Tuesday's Republican runoff for Texas' newly redrawn 35th Congressional District, defeating veteran state legislator John Lujan. Having finished second in the March primary, de la Cruz reversed the outcome with the backing of President Trump and House Speaker Mike Johnson — a coalition that proved decisive in a race shaped as much by political geography as by candidate credentials.
The district itself is a product of Texas' redistricting process, which reconfigured a seat once held by progressive Rep. Gregorio Casar into a corridor from Austin to San Antonio drawn to be considerably more Republican-friendly, even as it remains majority Hispanic. Casar departed for an adjacent district after fellow Democrat Lloyd Doggett opted not to seek reelection under the new map.
Should Carlos win in November alongside his already-serving sister, the pair would enter a small and storied chapter of congressional history. The Sanchez sisters served together in the early 2000s; before them, three Washburn brothers held seats simultaneously in the mid-19th century; and the nation's first House Speaker, Frederick Muhlenberg, once shared the chamber with his own brother. Such family pairings remain rare enough that each carries genuine historical resonance.
The Democratic side of the race was complicated by controversy: primary candidate Maureen Galindo drew swift and broad condemnation — including from Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries — after proposing to use a district ICE facility to detain wealthy 'Zionists,' a suggestion widely condemned as antisemitic. Despite that turbulence and the GOP's runoff momentum, Democratic strategists say they remain confident the district's demographics and voting history leave November very much in play.
Carlos de la Cruz, an Air Force veteran and brother of Republican Rep. Monica de la Cruz, won a runoff election Tuesday for Texas' newly redrawn 35th Congressional District, defeating state lawmaker John Lujan in a race that could soon place two siblings in the House of Representatives together. The district, which stretches from Austin south to San Antonio, has been reconfigured to favor Republican candidates in a way previous maps did not. De la Cruz had finished second to Lujan in the March primary with 27 percent of the vote to Lujan's 33 percent, but secured victory in the runoff with backing from President Donald Trump and House Speaker Mike Johnson.
The potential arrival of the de la Cruz siblings in Congress would mark a rare occurrence in American legislative history. The Sanchez sisters, both California Democrats, served together in the House in the early 2000s. Before them, three brothers—Israel Washburn of Maine, Elihu Washburn of Illinois, and Cadwallader Washburn of Wisconsin—all held seats simultaneously during the 1850s and 1860s. Even earlier, the nation's first House Speaker, Frederick Muhlenberg of Pennsylvania, served alongside his brother John Peter Gabriel Muhlenberg in the 1780s and 1790s. Such family pairings in Congress remain uncommon enough that each instance carries historical weight.
The 35th District race emerged from Texas' redistricting process, which reshaped the political landscape across the state. The seat was previously held by Rep. Gregorio Casar, a member of the progressive "Squad," who chose to run in an adjacent district after fellow Democrat Lloyd Doggett decided not to seek reelection once the new map took effect. The reconfigured district, now majority Hispanic but drawn to be considerably more favorable to Republican candidates than in past elections, became the battleground where de la Cruz and Lujan competed.
Lujan brought substantial credentials to the race as a longtime state legislator with deep roots in the San Antonio area. De la Cruz, by contrast, offered military service—he had been deployed to both the Middle East and the Mexican border during his Air Force career. His sister's prominence in Congress and her political network, combined with Trump's endorsement and backing from Speaker Johnson, proved decisive in the runoff.
The Democratic primary for the seat took an unexpected turn when candidate Maureen Galindo, who lost Tuesday's general primary vote, faced intense backlash from her own party for proposing to use an ICE detention facility in the district to imprison wealthy "Zionists." The proposal drew sharp criticism as antisemitic from Democrats across the ideological spectrum, including Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries. Despite this controversy and the Republican victory in the runoff, Democratic strategists have indicated they remain optimistic about their chances in November, pointing to the district's Hispanic majority and historical voting patterns as reasons to believe the seat remains competitive.
Citações Notáveis
Democrats remain optimistic about their prospects in the majority-Hispanic seat despite the GOP runoff victory— Democratic strategists
A Conversa do Hearth Outra perspectiva sobre a história
Why does it matter that de la Cruz and his sister might both be in Congress?
It's genuinely rare. You have to go back decades to find siblings serving together. It signals something about how political power can concentrate within families, and also how redistricting creates openings for new candidates to break through.
But de la Cruz lost the primary. How does a second-place finisher win the runoff?
He had institutional backing—Trump, the Speaker, his sister's network. Lujan was the local favorite, but de la Cruz had the machinery. In a lower-turnout runoff, that matters more than it did in March.
The Democratic candidate said something about using a detention center to imprison Zionists. That's extraordinary.
It was. And it cost her. What's interesting is that even though she lost, Democrats aren't panicking about the general election. They think the district's demographics and the way it's drawn still favor them in November.
So Republicans won the primary but Democrats think they'll win the general?
Exactly. The district is majority Hispanic and has voted Democratic before. Redistricting made it more Republican-leaning, but not necessarily Republican. It's a swing seat now, and both sides see a path.
What does de la Cruz actually stand for beyond being Trump-endorsed?
The source doesn't really say. We know he's military, we know he has family connections, we know Trump likes him. But his actual positions or vision for the district—that's not in the reporting.